The Setting Sun over the Galle Bastions – Echoes in the Harbour

The Setting Sun over the Galle Bastions – Echoes in the Harbour
Chandra Godakanda Arachchi Master Mariner (Retired)
Dedicated to the memory of late Commander M.G.S. Perera the academic Instructor Teacher
of Lanka Kalyani and Captain Nelson Nanayakkara, then Chief Officer. 1976 Deck Cadet batch
honours our mentor Commander Perera with profound gratitude who first taught us the nitty
gritty of navigation and shipping. His teachings made it extremely useful later during our
professional competency examinations. His disciplined guidance and unwavering commitment
and support to our professional growth laid the foundation for our careers. Captain
Nanayakkara taught us by example how we should look after our subordinates whist
maintaining discipline. We owe our steady course to the lessons they both taught in the
classroom and in life.
The Port of Galle was our very first port of call. We sailed down the coast from Colombo in
January 1976. At the time, if I’m honest, none of us truly knew port from starboard.
Now, fifty years later, we have all become seasoned professionals. Looking back on this halfcentury
voyage, we are a deeply satisfied group. What follows is the story of Galle—a harbor
that served as the primary gateway to Serendib, the island once known as Ceylon.
For two nearly millennia prior to concrete breakwaters of Colombo defined the island’s port
horizon, there was Galle. For centuries, the world did not merely pass by this rocky peninsula;
it anchored here. To walk the ramparts today is to tread upon the footprints of history’s greatest
wanderers from the massive Ming Dynasty era fleets of Admiral Zheng He to weary Arabian
sailors guided by the monsoon stars.
Long before the first European sails appeared on the horizon, the natural harbour of Galle was
already a vibrant engine of global commerce. Defined by the rhythmic pulse of the Indian
Ocean’s trade winds, this era often called the Age of the Monsoon, transformed Galle into a
cosmopolitan port where the world’s greatest seafaring civilisations converged. Galle served
as a vital “Halfway House” on the maritime Silk Road. The harbour was a history of naval
architecture, crowded with Arabian dhows carrying incense and horses, Indian barques laden
with textiles and Maldivian boats bringing special Cowrie shells which functioned as the global
currency for centuries. It wasn’t just a place to trade cinnamon and gems, it was a geographical
necessity where sailors waited for the monsoon winds to shift.
Arabian Ships and Cultural Ties in Galle
Claudius Ptolemy, the great Greco-Egyptian geographer in 150 CE or AD reintroduced the
coordinate system (latitude and longitude), also included Port of Galle on his world map about
the same era, noting it as the hub for Arabic, Greek and Chinese traders. He is likely to have
named Galle as Odoka in Taprobana at the time.
The evolution of Arabian sailing ships in the Port of Galle marks a transition from a period of
undisputed commercial dominance for over two millennia, to the one of survival and adaptation
against restrictions from European colonisation.
Prior to the arrival of Lourenço de Almeida, the waters of Galle were dominated by the Dhow
family of vessels. These ships were perfectly evolved for the Indian Ocean’s seasonal wind
patterns. The hallmark of these ships was sewn-plank construction. Instead of iron nails (which
rusted or caused timber to split), planks of teak or coconut wood were drilled stitched together
using coir (coconut fibre) rope. This made the hulls flexible enough to withstand the pounding
of surf and the pressure of coral reefs around Galle. Arabian ships utilized the triangular lateen
sail. This was revolutionary because it allowed ships to “tack” or sail closer to the wind, unlike
the square-rigged ships of early Medieval Europe. Ship Masters or Nakhudas used the Kamal,
a simple wooden tool to measure the altitude of the Pole Star, allowing them to maintain
latitudes required between the Persian Gulf, Galle, and the Malacca Straits. Two types of
Arabian vessels, Baghla was the heavy lifter used for long-haul spice trading whilst Sambuk
was a faster, versatile vessel often seen in the Galle harbour for regional trade.
Challenges of Arabian Sailors Pre Portuguese era
Beyond the physical hazards of the rocky bottom and the heavy southwest monsoon swells,
Arabian dhows and other merchant vessels navigating the Port of Galle before 1505 faced a
complex set of logistical and navigational hurdles.
For the medieval Arabian navigator, the challenges in Port of Galle were as much about the
limitations of their vessels as they were about the risks associated with presence of reefs and
rock outcrops in bay approaches combined with Port of Galle bay surrounding in terms of
vegetation and appearance was entirely different prior to the Fort was built, covered with bush
and palm trees thus making it difficult in identifying the entrance from a distance
Arabian dhows, such as the Baghla or Ghanjah, primarily used lateen (triangular) sails. While
lateen sails were efficient for sailing with the wind, they were notoriously difficult to
manoeuvre when “beating” the wind against it.
If a vessel was caught a sudden shift of wind or a squall too close to the Galle coastline or
during approaches to bay, lateen sails lacked the technical ability to sail clear back to open sea.
Consequently, many vessels were driven onto the reefs not because due to lack of skills, but
because the physics of their rig made shore formation of southern coast of Sri Lanka a
dangerous “lee shore.”
Before the construction of the iconic lighthouse or the massive Dutch ramparts, Galle’s
shoreline was a dense, uniform wall of tropical jungle and coconut palms. Identifying the
narrow “Safe” entrance between the various underwater ridges (like the Kadda Rocks) was
nearly impossible from a distance.
Sailors had to rely almost entirely on the Kamal (the celestial navigation tool) to find the correct
latitude, and then literally “Feel” their way in using a Lead line to check depths, which was
slow and agonisingly risky task in choppy water.
The Port of Galle was often affected by the Gin Ganga. For Arabian sailors, this was both a
blessing and a curse. Heavy rains would wash silt into the bay, constantly changing the depth
of the “Pools” where it was safe to anchor. A spot that was safe during one season might be
shallow enough to ground a ship in the next.
The discharge from the river created unpredictable cross currents within the bay, making the
final approach to the inner harbor a struggle of rowing and towing.
Because the inner harbour was so shallow and hazardous, Arabian ships often had to remain at
the outer anchorage. All cargo including the heavy cinnamon bales and gems had to be ferried
via small local boats (Prows or Dhonis). This increased the risk of theft, water damage to the
cargo, and capsizing in the bay due to heavy swell.
Ships were often “Wind-bound.” If they missed the tail end of the Northeast Monsoon, they
could be stuck in Galle for months, depleting their supplies and risking shipworm (Teredo
Navalis – “Termite of the sea”) damage to their wooden hulls.
Arabian masters often had to pay exorbitant fees to local “Headmen” or fishermen for their
local knowledge of rock outcrops and reefs to guide the ships. If the local guide was
inexperienced or the indication of “Compass points- example two points on starboard bow”
went wrong, the ship was doomed.
By the 9th century, Arab trade was fully established in Sri Lanka. Galle became a major port
of call (known to Arabs as Qali) for ships sailing between the Persian Gulf and China.
Historians like Al-Baladhuri recorded peaceful Arabian commercial relations existed in Galle
in ancient times. Arabic tombstones and Kufic inscriptions found in the Galle district date back
to the 10th century, confirming a settled Arab community that had arrived by ship to manage
the trade.
When the Portuguese arrived in 1505, the maritime landscape of Galle moved from a free trade
zone to a militarized one. The “Age of Gunpowder” forced Arabian shipbuilders to choose
between imitation and specialized niche trading. To compete with Portuguese ships Caravels
and Galleons, some Arabian vessels began incorporating European features in ship
construction.
As the Portuguese enforced the Cartaz (trading license) system, the fragility of sewn-plank
ships became a liability in naval skirmishes. Iron-fastened hulls became more common to
withstand the recoil of small cannons and the impact of European ship-ramming tactics.
Fascinating hybrid vessel Ghanjah emerged post the arrival of Portuguese keeping the
traditional lateen sails but adopted the carved, transom stern of a European vessel. Large
Arabian merchant fleets began to avoid Galle’s main harbour to dodge Portuguese taxes,
instead utilising smaller bays and “smuggling” routes along the southern coast, where their
shallower drafts gave them an advantage over the deep draft European ships.
The most famous recorded arrival is that of the Moroccan traveller Ibn Battuta in 1344. While
he first landed in Puttalam, he travelled south and documented his stay in Qali (Galle). He
described it as a small but bustling town where he was hosted by a captain named Ibrahim,
indicating that the port was already a well-known Arab maritime station.
By the time the Portuguese arrived in 1505, Arab traders (referred to as “Moors” by the
Europeans) were the primary maritime power in Galle. They held a monopoly on the export of
cinnamon and gems, which they shipped to the Red Sea and Persian Gulf. The arrival of the
Portuguese marked the end of the unrestricted arrival of Arabian merchant fleets. By the mid-
16th century, the Portuguese had established a “Cartaz” (licence) system. Any Arabian ship
arriving in Galle without this paid license was subject to seizure or sinking. During the Dutch
and British colonial periods, large deep-sea Arabian dhows from the Persian Gulf began to
bypass Galle in favour of Colombo.
The Maritime Economy of Medieval Galle
Archaeological excavations across Sri Lanka, particularly along the southern coast, have
unearthed a wealth of Gold Dinars and Silver Dirhams. While local monarchs issued their own
coinage, they readily accepted Arab gold due to its high purity and universal value.
Strategically positioned as the midpoint between the Middle East and the Far East, Galle also
saw a high circulation of Chinese copper “cash” coins, creating a truly multi-currency trade
hub.
The Arab trade in Galle was a sophisticated, multi-layered commercial system that evolved far
beyond simple bartering long before the Portuguese arrived in 1505. While bartering existed
in localised exchanges, the international trade in Galle was primarily a monetary and creditbased
system. Instead of direct barter between foreign sailors and local farmers, the trade was
facilitated by a settled community of Indo-Arab merchants (the ancestors of the Sri Lankan
Moors). These merchants functioned as agents. Throughout the year, they purchased cinnamon,
gems, and ivory from the island’s interior using local currency or credit, subsequently
processing the goods in specialized warehouses.
By the time Arabian dhows arrived with the monsoon winds, the cargo was already graded,
sorted, and packed in “Godowns” (warehouses) near the Galle harbour. While not a pure barter
system, many transactions from ships were “commodity exchanges”, values were calculated in
currency but settled in goods to mitigate the risks of transporting large volumes of bullion on
vessels.
The scale of trade documented by travellers like Ibn Battuta suggests a highly sophisticated
infrastructure. Trade was a social and legal endeavour involving formal negotiations, written
contracts, and the oversight of the Shahbandar (Port Master). This royal official collected
customs duties for the King of Kotte or local Chieftains. The existence of official weigh stations
and customs houses proves that value was determined by standardized weights and measures
rather than simple haggling.
The Seasonal Rhythms of the Monsoon
In the centuries preceding 1505, the arrival of an Arabian ship was not a brief stopover. Bound
by the seasonal monsoon winds, sailors often remained in Galle for several months waiting for
the right wind. This long duration fostered deep social integration.
The Nakhuda (Shipmaster) and wealthy merchants resided with settled Arab families. These
hosts acted as brokers, managing “paperwork” and liaising with Sinhalese officials. Common
sailors stayed in “Wadis” or communal guest houses near the harbour, waiting out the winds in
specialized quarters. Historical records and oral traditions suggest many sailors married into
local families. These unions secured a sailor’s status for future voyages and created the kinship
networks that underpinned Indian Ocean commerce.
This profound social integration explains why the Portuguese later struggled to uproot Arab
influence in Galle. The “Arabs” were not merely transient visitors; they were the business
partners, brothers-in-law, and permanent stakeholders of the local coastal population.
The stay was also a period of vital maintenance. Dhows were often hauled out of the water or
careened on the beach to have their coir-stitched hulls cleaned and repaired. For security, highvalue
cargo like gems and cinnamon was moved from the vulnerable ships into stone
“Godowns” on land, guarded by local hosts.
The Dutch Transformation of Galle: From Open Port to Fortified Monopoly
When the Dutch East India Company (VOC) captured Galle in 1640 and erected its massive
stone ramparts, they weren’t just building a defence against rival empires, they were building a
barrier against a centuries-old way of doing business. The transition from a loose Arab trade
network to a rigid colonial monopoly fundamentally altered the city’s identity.
Under the preceding Arab system, trade was decentralized and organic. When a ship arrived,
goods were dispersed among private merchant houses. The Dutch systematically dismantled
this mode creating a monopoly. The VOC decreed that all high-value commodities, cinnamon,
pepper, and elephants belonged exclusively to the Company. Private storage was outlawed. All
cargo was funnelled into the official VOC Warehouse.
To prevent “smuggling” which was essentially the traditional free trade practiced for
generations, the VOC restricted the movement of sailors, preventing them from mingling with
the local population and “integrating” into the town.
The Arab descended merchants of Galle, who had anchored the port’s economy for centuries,
were forced to adapt or retreat thereby displacing “Moor” merchant class from Galle. To escape
“crushing” Dutch taxation, many wealthy merchant families abandoned the harbour. They
moved to the “Gravets” (the area just outside the fort walls) or further inland to places like
Beruwala and Colombo.
The Dutch bypassed traditional local “hosts,” made vessels to deal directly with colonial
administrators. This severed the vital social and commercial link between the ship’s Nakhuda
(Captain) and the local community.
The very architecture of the port began to favour European interests over regional ones. Trade
shifted from the sandy beaches where nimble dhows were easily careened to formal jetties.
While these suited the deep drafted Dutch East Indiamen, they were far less “friendly” to
smaller, flexible Arab vessels. By the 18th century, the vibrant, multicultural “Qali” described
by Ibn Battuta had vanished.
Just to mention in brief, punishments inflicted by the Dutch even for minor offences were very
harsh. Anyone caught selling, hiding, or damaging a cinnamon tree without Dutch East India
Company (VOC) authorisation faced execution. This was applied to smuggling or trading with
Arabs or Maldivian ships outside of Dutch supervision. Local population had to face mutilation
of ears and noses even for minor offences such as failing to meet their cinnamon harvesting
quotas or public flogging for any delays in delivering goods like coir or Betel leaves. Above is
only a couple of severe punishments among many other. Consequently, some locals moved
away from “Four Gravets”, the administrative district of Galle town. Dutch East India
Company (VOC) was in fact was not a traditional company, but a military corporation designed
to extract profits and maintain discipline among locals at any cost to the locals. There stood a
militarised outpost, a “Closed City” designed for extraction rather than exchange.
Cost of a “Closed city” by Dutch
While the Dutch and later the British “Professionalised” the port, this rigid modernisation
eventually led to Galle’s commercial stagnation. The massive costs of maintaining the Fort and
its permanent garrison necessitated high port duties, making Galle an expensive destination for
traders.
The specialised expertise of Arab sailors and local hosts who possessed an intimate knowledge
and understanding of every reef and seasonal current in Galle Bay over centuries was discarded
in favour of standardised European charts. By prioritising control over collaboration, the VOC
turned Galle from a thriving regional hub into a beautiful, but static, monument to colonial
administration.
Shahbandar to Master Attendant
The transition of port of Galle during the mid-17th century represents more than just a change
of title; it was a fundamental shift from the ancient, cosmopolitan Shahbandar system to the
rigid, monopolistic maritime administration of the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
For centuries prior to Dutch arrival, the Port of Galle operated under the “Shahbandar” (King
of the Port) system, a model common across the Indian Ocean from South Asia to the Persian
Gulf. The Shahbandar was often a respected merchant, frequently of Arab or Moorish descent,
who acted as a bridge between the local monarch and foreign traders. Shahbandar managed
customs, mediated disputes, and ensured that the diverse fleet of dhows and regional vessels
could trade efficiently. The role was defined by its versality and flexibility with its roots in the
traditional Arab maritime networks that had dominated Galle’s trade for generations.
Following the Dutch capture of Galle in 1640, the VOC sought to centralise control over every
boat entering the harbour. They replaced the diplomatic role of the Shahbandar with the Master
Attendant.
Impact of the Master Attendant in Galle
The introduction of the Master Attendant signalled the end of the “Open port” era for Arab
traders in Galle. The Dutch Master Attendant assumed total control over the treacherous entry
into Galle harbour. No ship could enter without a Company pilot, a move designed to protect
the VOC’s naval secrets and prevent smuggling. It is interesting to note, Dutch port pilots when
leaving or retiring were not allowed to leave Galle in order to maintain naval secrets of the
risky bay.
While the Shahbandar facilitated the purchase of supplies for all in a fair manner, the Master
Attendant prioritised the Dutch fleet. Local timber, coir, and labour were diverted primarily to
the repair and maintenance of VOC East Indiamen.
The informal, trust-based negotiations of the Arab trade networks were replaced by the Dutch
Generale Staat, where every bale of cinnamon to every mooring rope was recorded in precise
in colonial ledgers (inventory).
Even though arrival of the Portuguese introduced a “Might-is-right” maritime policy. By
enforcing the Cartaz system, a mandatory naval license they began to fragment the longstanding
dominance of Arab merchant dhows. While the Portuguese lacked the sheer numbers
to completely block Arab trade, their frequent naval skirmishes, and the establishment of a
fortified presence in Galle forced Arab traders to seek alternative, riskier routes, or operate
under the constant threat of confiscation. However the true “Death knell” for the Arab presence
in Galle, was the transition to Dutch rule. Unlike the often chaotic Portuguese administration,
the Dutch East India Company (VOC) operated with iron hand, bureaucratic efficiency.
The Dutch viewed the spice trade, particularly cinnamon, as a private crown jewel. They
implemented rigorous port regulations that effectively criminalised independent trade. By
imposing heavy duties limiting and choosing the types of vessels allowed to dock, they made
it economically unfeasible for Arab merchants to compete. Ultimately, the decline of Arabian
ships in Galle was the result of a shift from interdependence to exclusion of Arabian ships.
However Maldivian ships were allowed within guidelines as the trade was advantageous to the
Dutch. Port of Galle was transformed from a cosmopolitan hub into a tightly controlled VOC
garrison.
The Arab traders, who had relied on centuries of cultural ties and monsoon-based navigation,
could not survive a system that replaced with rigid, state-sponsored Naval law. By the height
of the Dutch period, the once bustling Arab fleet had been disappeared beyond the horizon into
the history forever, replaced by the heavy and regulated hulls of European Indiamen.
From Cosmopolitan Hub to Colonial Outpost
The maritime history of Galle for Arabian ships is defined by a profound transition from
interdependence to exclusion. For over a millennium, the Port of Galle flourished as a vibrant,
open market hub where Arabian dhows perfectly adapted to the Indian Ocean’s rhythms, forged
deep cultural and economic ties with the local population. This era, characterized by the
flexible Shahbandar system and social integration, allowed Galle to become a primary jewel in
the crown of global trade.
However, the arrival of European powers fundamentally dismantled this organic network.
While the Portuguese introduced militarised trade through the Cartaz system, it was the Dutch
East India Company (VOC) that delivered the final blow. By replacing traditional diplomacy
with rigid bureaucratic monopolies and the “Master Attendant” system, the Dutch transformed
Galle from a bustling, multicultural exchange into a fortified, “Closed city” focused on
extraction. Ultimately, the disappearance of the Arabian fleet marked more than just a change
in shipping; it signalled the end of an era of ancient maritime freedom, leaving the stone
ramparts of Galle as a silent monument to a lost world of global commerce.
Chinese monk Fa-Hien (also spelled Faxian) and the Port of Galle.
While Fa-Hien is one of the most famous historical figures to visit Sri Lanka, the records of
his exact movements around the southern coast, specifically regarding Galle, are a blend of
historical record and local tradition.
Monk Fa-Hien in Sri Lanka (410–412 AD)
Monk Fa Hien was one of the earliest recorded “passengers” on the maritime silk route. He
arrived in Sri Lanka from India (Tamralipti) and stayed for about two years, primarily in
Anuradhapura, where he studied Buddhist texts.
The Connection to Galle – Historical records from his travelogue, A Record of Buddhist
Kingdoms, indicate he left Sri Lanka by sea to return to China (via Java). While many historians
believe he departed from the northern port of Mantai (Mahatittha), some local traditions in
Galle suggest he may have used the southern natural harbours. Some historical accounts of
Galle (which was known as Gimhathiththa before the colonial era) associate his stay in the
“Kingdom of the Lions” with the southern coast. There are local claims that he passed through
or sighted the area around Galle during his maritime travels.
Fa-Hien Cave (Pahiyangala) – Interestingly, the most famous site named after him is not in
Galle but in Kalutara (Pahiyangala). Legend says he took shelter in this massive natural cave
on his way to Sri Pada (Adam’s Peak).
Moroccan Explorer Ibn Battuta
Famous Moroccan explorer Ibn Battuta during his extensive travels through South Asia visited
Galle port in 1344 spent a few days which he then referred to as Qali. He described it as a small
but thriving port even then, long before European fortification.
Ibn Battuta landed in Puttalam (which he referred to as Battalah) in September 1344 after a
storm blew his small merchant ship off course when sailing from Maldives to Coromandel
coast (South Eastern coast) of India. He then travelled from Puttalam to Chilaw along the coast,
observing the pearl fisheries existed at the time along the coast. He then headed towards
upcountry and visited Adams Peak. He is said to have travelled in a palanquin carried by the
slaves with an escort of about 10 to 15 soldiers, all provided by the king.
It was a very steep climb for him to Adams Peak and he used total of ten iron chains existed
even at the time to get through very steep ascents. While the iron chains on the precipice were
man made, Battuta described them with a sense of awe, calling them “The Chains of Salvation.”
He claimed that they were placed there by ancient hands (some legends said by Alexander the
Great) and that they remained miraculously strong and rust free despite the constant mist and
rain of the mountain.
He spent three days at the summit focussing on spiritual significance which he referred to as
the “Blessed footprint of our father Adam” though he noted pilgrims from different faiths
Muslims, Buddhists and Hindus all present in pilgrimage. He later wrote about the Yogis and
Brahmins he met during his pilgrimage to Adam’s Peak. He was fascinated by their ascetic
lifestyle, noting that they were mostly vegetarian and served as his guides through the difficult
terrain. His description of the “Sea of Serendib” is interesting that he claimed from the summit,
one could see the “Light of the Heavens” reflecting the Adams Peak that guided mariners from
hundreds of miles away.
He then descended towards South reaching Dondra (Called Dinewar at the time). There was a
great temple complex he noted at the time in Dondra near the sea inhabited by Brahmins and
devotees. He reached Galle (he referred to as Qali) trekking after visiting Dondra (Dinewar),
moving along the southern coast before heading north to Colombo (Kalanbu).
At the time of his visit, Galle was already a bustling trade hub and the port was busy. He noted
the presence of a well established Muslim merchant community, which was common in major
Indian Ocean ports in that era. He described Galle as a significant haven where mariners would
wait for the winds to change before crossing the Bay of Bengal.
Ibn Battuta’s accounts are among the earliest and most detailed written records of Galle. His
descriptions provide a rare glimpse into the island’s prosperity and multi-cultural nature long
before the arrival of European colonial powers like the Portuguese (1505) and the Dutch (1640).
Ibn Battuta’s accounts provided a vivid window into the 14th-century world of Galle (Qali).
His observations focused on a prosperous, multicultural society driven by high-value trade and
a deep respect for religious traditions. Ibn Battuta portrayed Serendib (Sri Lanka) as a land of
great religious and ethnic harmony, noting that the people were generally tolerant and
welcoming to foreign travellers. He mentioned that local women were active in cotton weaving
industry while Muslim communities often handled wool weaving.
Galle was a massive hub where goods from China, Arabia, and Persia were exchanged for local
riches. Pearls, Precious stones, Cinnamon Spices variety of grains and Pepper were important
trading commodities in bustling harbour. He spent time at the waterfront observing big ships
from China and the smaller dhows from the Persian Gulf. He was particularly interested in how
the local administrators collected taxes on cinnamon and precious stones before they were
loaded onto ships. He participated in communal prayers at the local mosque. Even in the 1340s,
Galle had a mosque that served as the centre of the merchant community. He described it as a
place of “Great beauty” with a climate that was “always like spring”.
Ibn Battuta’s descriptions of these ships often highlight their “seaworthiness”. He noted that
the ships in the “Sea of Serendib” were often sewn together with coir rope rather than nailed, a
traditional construction method he found fascinating but nerve wracking during the storms he
encountered near the rocky southern coast.
In the 14th century, the waters around the Port of Galle were dominated by two distinct types
of vessels, the large, ocean-crossing Arab Dhows and the ingenious, local Sewn Boats of Sri
Lanka, the seams were stuffed with coconut husks and sealed with resin or fish oil to make
them watertight. This made the hulls flexible when hitting a sandbar or a reef (common in the
treacherous southern waters), a “nailed” ship might crack, but a “sewn” ship would flex and
absorb the impact. Engineering of these vessels built without a single iron nail to be the most
fascinating aspect of his maritime records. He noted the smaller fishing craft used Outriggers
(Oruwa) for stability, allowing them to navigate the deep Indian Ocean swells and return to the
narrow, rocky entrance of the Galle Bay.
Lateen Sails, these triangular sails allowed the ships to “tack” (sail against the wind), which
was crucial for navigating the shifting monsoons between the Maldives, Sri Lanka, and the
African coast. While Ibn Battuta wasn’t a navigator himself, he noted that the captains used the
stars and the “Pole Star” to maintain their heading towards the tip of the Indian subcontinent.
Ibn Battuta mentioned that when his ship was caught in the storm before landing at Puttalam,
the crew had to “cut the masts and throw the cargo overboard”. This suggests the vessel was
likely a top-heavy merchant dhow that lacked the stability of the local Sri Lankan outrigger
designs.
The most critical tool for a 14th-century navigator was the Kamāl. It was a simple but ingenious
device: a small rectangular card of wood with a string passed through the centre. The navigator
held the string in his teeth and moved the wooden card until the bottom edge touched the
horizon and the top edge touched the Pole Star (Polaris). The string had knots at specific
intervals. Each knot represented a specific port. If the “Galle Knot” was at the navigator’s teeth
while the card aligned with the star, they knew they were at the correct latitude to turn east or
west toward the harbour. Once the Kamāl told them they were in the right latitude, they
switched to sensory clues to find the rocky entrance to Galle. Navigators looked for the change
from the deep blue or the colour of the “Sea of Serendib” to the greenish blue of the coastal
shelf and the movement of sea gulls. Sailors dropped a lead weight (Lead line) on a rope to
measure depth. More importantly, they put tallow (fat) on the bottom of the weight. When they
pulled it up, the sand, shells, or mud stuck to it told the Captain exactly what kind of seabed
they were over, matching it to their “Mental chart.” Captains used the high hills of the interior
(like Rumassala or the distant Adam’s Peak) as “transit marks” when approaching Galle Bay.
By aligning a specific peak with a coastal rock, they could thread the needle into the Deepwater
channel
He was stunned by the abundance of rubies, sapphires, cat’s eyes etc. He described the gems
found near Adam’s Peak as being “The size of a Hen’s Egg.” He spent much time writing about
the pearl reefs, noting that the pearls from the Gulf of Mannar were the most beautiful in the
world. He also noted the sale of exquisite items made from tortoise shells, ebony, and elephant
tusks (ivory). He saw Moorish vessels in the harbour carrying Chinese pottery, silk, and paper
money long before these items became common in the West. Ibn Battuta was hosted in Galle
by prominent local resident Captain Ibrahim a wealthy ship owner which is evidence to
Serendib having ocean trading network even before the arrival of Portuguese. He likely
continued to Colombo by boat. Ibn Battuta mentions that Colombo was a small but rising port
at the time.
After visiting Galle and Colombo, Ibn Battuta returned to the North (Puttalam) to find a passage
back to India. He boarded a larger merchant vessel carrying a valuable cargo of cinnamon and
gems. He sailed from the North of Sri Lanka heading toward Malabar (the Coromandel Coast
of India). Just off the coast of India, within sight of land, his ship was attacked by pirates. The
pirates stripped everyone on board. Ibn Battuta famously lost everything he had collected in
Sri Lanka, the jewels gifted by the King, his robes, and even his personal journals. He was left
on the beach with nothing but his trousers.
Ibn Battuta’s visit to Galle and the wider island of Serendib in 1344 served as a fascinating
intersection of religious pilgrimage and royal diplomacy. While his initial arrival was marked
by his ship caught in a storm, his journey ultimately focused on his deep desire to climb Adam’s
Peak.
Ibn Battuta’s departure from the island was as dramatic as his arrival, surviving a shipwreck
and further pirate attacks shortly after leaving the island. His writings remain a vital historical
lens, capturing the island’s 14th century transition of Port of Galle into a major hub of the Indian
Ocean trade network.
The Dragon of the Indian Ocean, Admiral Zheng He’s Legacy in Sri Lanka
Admiral Zheng He (also known as Cheng Ho) visited Sri Lanka several times during his seven
epic voyages (1405–1433). Galle was a critical hub where the Chinese traded silk, porcelain,
and gold for Sri Lankan gems, pearls, and spices. His connection to the Port of Galle is most
famous for a remarkable archaeological find in Galle, the Trilingual Inscription. Discovered in
1911 by a British engineer near Cripps Road in Galle, this stone tablet is one of the most
significant pieces of evidence of Zheng He’s diplomatic mission. It is dated February 15, 1409,
and was likely inscribed in Nanjing, China, before the fleet set sail. It is unique because it
features three languages Chinese, Tamil, and Persian honouring three different faiths. The
inscription reflects the “soft power” of the Ming Dynasty, showing equal respect to the diverse
religious groups (Buddhists, Hindus, and Muslims) that dominated the Indian Ocean trade
routes at the time. The original Galle Trilingual Inscription is preserved at Colombo National
Museum.
While Zheng He’s fleet had 300 ships with 28000 men on board, had some big ships
comparatively more than 400 feet in length visited Sri Lanka on at least five of his seven
voyages, two voyages stood out. During his third voyage in 1411, Zheng He encountered the
local ruler in Kotte, Vira Alakesvara. Alakesvara was reportedly hostile, demanding tribute
and attempting to lure the Admiral into a trap. When Zheng He visited the king with some
treasures, the king thought if the Admiral can gift so much valuables then his ships should be
having lot more of valuable treasures. Kings’ idea was to block Admiral’s route back to the
ship, destroy his treasure ships then to steal Admiral’s treasures. King sent 50000 soldiers to
block Admiral’s way back to ships.
Admiral sensing the trap and in response, he led 2,000 elite troops he had with him to launch a
surprise attack on the kingdom. Zheng He succeeded in the battle and captured the king, his
family and some important ministers, held kings palace within fortified walls for six days.
While Zheng He was a diplomat, he was also a brilliant military strategist who used a classic
tactic to defeat a much larger force. Once he held the King and the capital, the situation flipped.
The 50,000-man King’s army rushed back from the beach to rescue their monarch, but Zheng
He was now the one behind the city’s defensive walls. For six days, Zheng He’s small force
held the city against waves of attacks. Admiral then made his way to his ships keeping the king
and other captives as shields. King’s army was large and brave, but they were primarily
equipped with traditional swords, bows, and spears. They had never encountered a force that
could, attack from a distance with explosive projectiles, maintain a “Wall of Fire” that rendered
traditional shield protection useless and used smoke and noise to mask their movements during
the night-time then “strike the heart” of manoeuvre.
Zheng He didn’t execute the King, instead, he took him back to China as a prisoner. The
captives were paraded in Nanjiang in China in their royal robes though in chains and shackles
to show the public Ming Dynasty’s power. In a masterstroke of diplomacy, the Ming Emperor
later released Alakesvara, but the Chinese insisted that a more “worthy” ruler take the throne
then effectively handpicked his successor, Parakramabahu VI, beginning of a golden age for
the Kingdom of Kotte, which also ensured Sri Lanka remained a friendly ally Ming Dynasty
for decades.
When Zheng He’s fleet arrived in Galle, it was a sight unlike anything the locals had ever seen.
Galle was a critical hub where the Chinese traded silk, porcelain, and gold for Sri Lankan gems,
pearls, and spices.
Ultimately, the legacy of Admiral Zheng He in Sri Lanka is one of complex duality, he was
both a sophisticated diplomat and a formidable military commander.
By de-escalating a potentially disastrous conflict and reshaping the political landscape of the
Kingdom of Kotte, Zheng He did more than just trade silks and spices; he integrated Sri Lanka
into a vast global network of commerce and diplomacy. Today, the artifacts left behind in Galle
and Colombo stand as silent witnesses to a time when the Indian Ocean was the centre of the
world, and Zheng He’s “Treasure Fleet” was its most dominant force, yet culturally conscious
force. His journey remains a powerful testament to how a single person could bridge the gap
between empires through both the might of the sword and the wisdom of the stone.
The Maldivian Maritime Connection: Galle and the “Sea Silk Road”
Before European arrival in 1505, two primary Maldivian vessels were Batalow (Batheli) and
the Dhoni, dominated the trade routes to Galle as it was the “Natural Landfall” preference due
to monsoon patterns that helped the boats in catching the wind for sailing towards the island
and the essential exchange hub of Maldive fish for Sri Lankan rice. They followed the
Northeast Monsoon (November to April) to sail towards Galle and used the Southwest
Monsoon to return home.
The Batalow was the robust, deep-sea workhorse for long-distance trade, the design itself is a
masterpiece of Arabian boat building, refined over centuries for long-distance monsoon trading.
Designed to remain at sea for weeks while crossing the Laccadive Sea, it carried heavy cargoes
of 100 to 400 tons, large enough for bulk exports of “Maldive fish,” cowrie shells, and coir
rope. Its relative deep-draft hull provided stability in rough open waters, also featuring a high
poop deck (a towering, square stern) containing cabins for the Master and the Supercargo
whilst crew slept on deck. Poop deck area was often elaborately decorated with intricate wood
carvings, mimicking the galleries of Portuguese or British men-of-war. Typically rigged with
two masts and massive triangular lateen sails, the Batalow could “tack” efficiently against the
wind. Total crew was 30 to 40 due to labour intensive work on board, bailing or using oars
when the wind failed, roughly working 15 to 20 oars simultaneously.
While the Batalow handled the bulk, the Dhoni (30–60 feet) served as the agile “all-rounder.”
These vessels acted as tenders for larger ships or were favoured by small scale traders. With a
draft of less than four feet, they could “hop” over submerged reefs that would wreck deeper
vessels. Dhoni is a much smaller vessel with low freeboard which helped the crew to take the
fish catch (big Tuna etc) easily.
These ships were navigated by the Keyolhu (sailors) using celestial clues, water colour, and
bird flight patterns. A hallmark of their construction was the total absence of iron nails;
shipwrights utilized a “sewn plank” technique. This flexible construction allowed the hull to
“breathe,” effectively absorbing the impact of waves and coral reefs.
Art of Finding Direction in open sea
The use of the Great Frigatebird (Fregata minor) as a navigational tool is one of the most
ingenious examples of traditional maritime “bio-navigation.” Long before the advent of the
sextant or chronometer, Maldivian seafarers relied on the biological instincts of these birds to
sail the vast open Indian Ocean. Maldivian sailors, particularly those on long Batalow voyages
to Galle or the Malabar Coast, would keep “Frigatebirds” in cages on deck. When they believed
they were within a few hundred miles of land but couldn’t yet see it, they would release a bird.
If the bird flew in a straight line and did not return, the sailors would steer the ship in that exact
direction, knowing the bird had sighted or sensed land. In case the bird circled the ship and
returned to the mast, the sailors knew they were still too far out at sea, as the bird found no land
to roost on.
Why the Frigatebird?
The choice of the frigatebird over other species was purely scientific:
Unlike Seagulls, Frigatebirds have non waterproof feathers. They cannot land on the water to
rest or they will drown. Therefore, they must return to land or somewhere to rest every night.
They are master soarers, capable of flying at high altitudes where they can spot the “Green
reflection” of an atoll’s lagoon on the underside of clouds from over 100 miles away. They can
stay aloft for weeks at a time using thermal currents, making them the perfect companion for
long voyages where land might be days away.
Cultural Integration
This practice was so central to Maldivian identity that the Frigatebird known locally as the
Maahoara is deeply embedded in their maritime folklore. It served as a living GPS that allowed
them to find the tiny specks of the Maldivian atolls or the specific headlands of southern Sri
Lanka after weeks at sea.
The Art of Landfalling and Approaching Galle Bay
Before modern lighthouses, Maldivian Maalimees (navigators) used a sophisticated
“Landfalling” system to enter the treacherous Galle Bay:
Long-Range Marker:
The 2,243m peak of Adam’s Peak (Sri Pada) is visible nearly 55 nautical miles offshore.
Sighting this peak provided the initial bearing. Upon sighting, the crew performed the “Sighting
Alms” (Nadhuru), vowing cargo donations to the poor upon a safe return back home. Sailors
saluted the peak with an open palm, pointing a single finger was considered a grave disrespect.
Mid-Range Marker
Navigators then sought “The Haycock” (Hiniduma Kanda). By aligning this distinct hill with
coastal points, sailors established a transit line to avoid submerged reefs during approach to
Galle Bay.
Galle bay Approach
The red cliffs of Rumassala Kanda (Buona Vista) served as the primary “Gatepost.” The break
of white surf against specific boulders near Watering Point indicated tide depth and currents,
while specific clumps of coconut palms were maintained as “leading lights” to steer clear of
the dangerous Kapu Gala (Cotton Rock).
During the port stays, sailors would “beach”, boats near the Old Fort Gate to scrape barnacles
and re-apply Chunam, a protective lime coating.
Legacy
The “Sewn-Hull” technology was a high-efficiency system requiring no dredging or expensive
infrastructure. It survived in Galle long after the departure of international mail steamers,
proving that these ancient, flexible ships were often more resilient than the iron giants that
eventually replaced them.
Galle port stay for Maldivian boats
Vessels anchored in the lee of Rumassala (near Jungle beach) using cliffs as a wind break and
accessing freshwater springs. Vessels moved to inner harbour near the Black Fort during North
East Monsoon to be closer to the bazzar. Maldivian traders didn’t just bring fish; they brought
coir rope, coconut shells, and cowries (which were once used as international currency). In
exchange, they loaded their boats with rice, textiles, spices, and kerosene to take back to the
atolls.
Trade After Portuguese 1505 – Adaptation and Monopoly
The Portuguese arrival shifted the power dynamic in Galle from the “Moors” (Muslim traders)
to the Portuguese Crown. However, the Maldives held a near-monopoly on several items the
Portuguese desperately needed.
Cowrie Shells (Cypraea moneta) – This was the Maldives’ most significant export. The
Portuguese realised these shells were the primary currency in West Africa (Guinea, Benin, and
Congo). By the mid-16th century, the Portuguese were “taxing” or purchasing hundreds of tons
of cowries from Maldivian vessels in Galle and Colombo to fund their slave trade in the
Atlantic.
The “Stitched” nature of Maldivian boats wasn’t just a design choice; it was an industry.
Maldivian coir was prized for its strength and resistance to saltwater. The Portuguese
frequently bought this rope in Galle for their own fleet’s rigging.
Dried bonito (Umbalakada) or Maldive Fish remained a staple trade item. Maldivian boats
would bring dried fish to Galle in exchange for rice, areca nuts, spices and commodities the
Maldives lacked.
The Shift in Power
Before 1505, Maldivian traders dealt freely with the Muslim merchant enclave at Galle (who
lived protected by a coconut log fenced). After the Portuguese took control:
The Portuguese often intercepted and destroyed Maldivian ships they suspected of carrying
“contraband” spices or aiding Arab rivals.
In the 1550s, the Portuguese even attempted to install a puppet Christian Sultan (Dom Manoel,
formerly Hasan IX) to control the Maldives directly, though they were eventually driven out
by Maldivian resistance.
Despite the conflict, Galle remained the most convenient port for Maldivians due to its
geographical proximity, the established “Moor” trade networks and the cargo brought in
Maldivian boats was important to Portuguese too, thus survived under Portuguese (and later
Dutch) rule.
Survival during harsh Dutch East India (VOC) Rule
The survival and continued presence of Maldivian ships in Galle during the Dutch VOC
(Vereenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie) era is fascinating being a “pragmatic coexistence.”
While the Dutch were famous for their aggressive monopolies on spices and cinnamon, they
largely allowed and even protected the Maldivian trade for several strategic reasons.
Dutch quickly realised that the Maldivian Dhonis and Batalows carried a commodity essential
for the survival of the local population and the VOC’s own labour force, dried Skipjack tuna
(Maldive fish).
The VOC needed a stable, non-perishable food source for their soldiers, sailors, and the local
workforce. Maldivian fish was the primary protein source that could be stored in the humid
climate of Galle without spoiling.
Dutch were primarily interested in high value monopolies like cinnamon and elephants, they
viewed the Maldivian trade in fish, coir rope, and cowrie shells as “non-competing.”
The VOC didn’t leave the seas “Free.” Maldivian vessels had to operate within a strictly
controlled Pass System for survival. Ships were required to obtain a Dutch pass to enter Galle.
This allowed the VOC to monitor all maritime traffic and ensure no “smuggling” of cinnamon
or pepper was occurring.
By complying with these administrative hurdles, Maldivian traders gained a “Safe conduct”
status, protecting them from being seized by Dutch naval boats looking for unauthorised boats
or Portuguese remnants.
The trade was rarely one-way. The Maldivian ships survived because they were the primary
“delivery service” for goods the Maldives desperately needed from the mainland, Rice and
Textiles. The Maldives could not produce enough grain or cloth. Galle served as their primary
“supermarket.”
The Dutch were keen to facilitate Maldivian arrivals because they wanted cowrie shells. These
shells were used by the VOC as a form of currency to purchase enslaved people in West Africa
and for trade in parts of Bengal.
During the Dutch period, the VOC heavily fortified Galle and improved the harbour’s
administration. Maldivian sailors, who were expert navigators of the atolls but lacked heavy
weaponry, found the Dutch controlled Galle to be, a safe haven. The VOC’s massive bastions
provided a shield against pirates (who often lurked near the Southern coast).
Unlike the earlier Portuguese era, which was often marked by religious conflicts, the Dutch
had “Merchants First” policy. Maldivian ships were allowed into Galle harbour as long as they
paid their dues and didn’t touch the cinnamon, they were welcomed as essential partners.
British Colonial administration in Galle for Maldivian boats
When the British took over Galle in 1796, the environment became notably more free-market
oriented, though yet firmly colonial. The British realized that Galle’s prosperity depended on
its role as a transit hub. They relaxed many of the rigid VOC monopolies, allowing Maldivian
traders more freedom to bargain with local merchants in the bazaar.
The British maintained a unique, almost ceremonial relationship with the Maldives. The annual
arrival of the Maldivian Sultan’s embassy in Galle (and later Colombo) was treated with
significant diplomatic respect. Maldivian boats were often exempted from certain port dues as
a gesture of goodwill to ensure continued loyalty and regional stability.
Unlike the Dutch, who often used their naval might to bully smaller regional craft, the British
Royal Navy provided a certain level of protection against piracy in the Indian Ocean which
benefited the Maldivian boats making the perilous crossing to Galle.
The British era in Galle is often remembered by Maldivian maritime historians as a period of
relative “Commercial Breathing Room” compared to the suffocating restrictions of the VOC.
When the Maldivian fleet anchored in Galle, it was described by locals as a “Fairyland” sight.
The Maldivian sailors often established long term friendships with the local Moors and
Sinhalese in Galle. A 1925 manual titled “Rules for Maldivian Trading Ships” even detailed
the specific conduct required of sailors while staying in “Gali” (Galle). In the 19th and early
20th centuries, the influx of these traders was so consistent that parts of the town near the
harbour were heavily influenced by their presence during the trading season.
For centuries, these boats were more than just transport; they were moving monuments to
human ingenuity. The sailors possessed an intimacy with the ocean that modern technology
cannot replicate—a “Blood-memory” of the stars, the currents, and the hidden teeth of the Galle
Bay reefs. To navigate those treacherous waters required a level of local knowledge passed
down through whispered lessons from father to son, refined over two millennia of salt and
spray.
The presence of these traditional boats began to fade in the late 19th and early 20th centuries
due to several factors, steamships and stricter maritime regulations made the traditional wooden
Maldivian Batalows less competitive. By the late 20th century, the rhythmic creak of wooden
hulls and the sight of unique Maldivian sails began to fade into the horizon. As industrial steel
replaced hand sewn timber and GPS replaced the wisdom of the navigator, a profound silence
fell over the old harbours.
The loss of these boats is not merely the loss of a craft, but the extinguishing of a living heritage.
The skills that once tamed the wider corners of the Laccadive Sea have largely evaporated,
unlikely to ever be seen again in the bustling, mechanized ports of modern Sri Lanka.
We are left with only the echoes of their arrival in our collective history. While the tides
continue to pull at the shores of Galle, they no longer bring with them the masters of the wind
who defined an era. Their departure leaves us with a stark reminder, when a tradition forged
over two thousand years vanishes, it doesn’t just leave the sea; it leaves a void in the very
identity of the region.
Portuguese in Galle
The Portuguese arrival in Galle marked a definitive shift in the history of the Indian Ocean,
transforming a quiet, ancient trading post into a fortified colonial stronghold. Portuguese entry
into Galle was a matter of opportunity rather than a planned invasion. In 1505, a fleet
commanded by Lourenco de Almeida, son of the first Portuguese Viceroy of India, whilst
waiting for Arabian ships, drifted towards the southern coast of Sri Lanka by a severe storm.
Local folklore says that when Portuguese anchored in the bay, they heard a cock crowing, an
omen that led them to name the site Gale (derived from the Portuguese word Gallo for rooster),
though it is more likely an adaptation of the Sinhala word Galla (rock). It is interesting to note
that Galle Municipal Council’s logo is a cock.
Initially, the Portuguese were content with a modest presence, but as the strategic value of the
spice trade (specifically cinnamon) grew, so did their infrastructure to a certain extent. Black
Fort was built overlooking the inner harbour. Initially the Portuguese built Fortaleza or a mini
fort, utilising soil, clay and coconut palm trunks reinforcing later with coral stone and laterite
(Sinhala word – Cabok Gal). They also built some storage facilities for cinnamon etc.
The siege of the Portuguese Fort in Galle by the Kingdom of Sitawaka is a pivotal moment in
Sri Lankan maritime history, marking one of the most significant challenges to early European
colonial presence on the island.
While the Portuguese arrived in Galle in 1505, they didn’t establish a formal fortification until
much later. The conflict with Sitawaka reached its peak under the formidable warrior king
Rajasinha I.
By the late 16th century, the Kingdom of Sitawaka had become the dominant power in Sri
Lanka, having nearly ousted the Portuguese from the island entirely, save for a few coastal
strongholds like Colombo and Galle.
In 1587–1588, King Rajasinha 1 launched a massive, coordinated attack. While he personally
led the famous 22-month siege of Colombo, he dispatched a significant force to neutralize the
Portuguese presence in Galle simultaneously.
The Attack and Siege
The Portuguese position in Galle at this time was not the massive stone fortress we see today
(which is largely Dutch). It was a smaller, wooden and earthwork fortification known as Santa
Cruz, located on the promontory.
The Land Blockade – King’s forces effectively cut off supplies to Fort from the hinterland.
This was a “Starve-out” tactic designed to prevent the Portuguese from gathering food or timber
from the surrounding forests.
Tactical Pressure – The Sitawaka forces used their superior knowledge of the terrain to harass
the Portuguese. They employed traditional Sinhalese warfare tactics, including the use of war
elephants and highly skilled archers and musketeers (kodithuwakku).
The Portuguese Defence – The garrison in Galle was small and heavily reliant on
reinforcements by sea from Goa or Colombo. The siege was brutal; records indicate the
Portuguese were reduced to extreme hunger, often resorting to eating hides and vermin to
survive.
Why the Siege Failed
Despite the intensity of the pressure, the Sitawaka forces could not completely take the fort for
two primary reasons:

1. Naval Superiority – The Portuguese maintained control of the sea. As long as they could
   occasionally slip a small vessel into the bay with supplies or fresh soldiers, the Fort could hold
   out. Fishing boats in the bay too had armed soldiers to get the catch for the Fort.
2. Internal Politics and Pressures – Rajasinha I was fighting on multiple fronts. The logistical
   strain of maintaining two massive sieges (Colombo and Galle) while dealing with internal
   rebellions and the rising power of the Kandyan Kingdom eventually forced a withdrawal.
   The Aftermath of Sitawaka Attack
   Following the withdrawal of Sitawaka forces, the Portuguese realized the vulnerability of the
   Galle promontory. They began to strengthen the fortifications, replacing the mud and wood
   with stone, including the construction of the Convent of St. Francis for religious educational
   purposes (foundation was laid in 1541. Later damaged during Dutch war in March 1640.
   Dutch Reformed Church was later built in the same site) and more robust bastions. In 1588,
   following an attack by the King of Sitawaka, the Portuguese built a small earthen and palm tree
   stockade on the prominent rock. They eventually constructed a more permanent fortress known
   as Santa Cruz, which included bastions like San Iago and Sao Pedro. Thereafter Galle became
   a vital link in the Portuguese maritime chain, serving as a victualling station for ships travelling
   between Goa and Malacca.
   Once established, the Portuguese moved to dominate the bay’s traffic. Cinnamon and Elephants
   were the primary “Export” activities. Galle served as a collection point for cinnamon from the
   southern interior. During periods of siege by the Kings of Sitawaka or Kandy, the Portuguese
   controlled the seaways by using armed guards on fishing boats to ensure the garrison remained
   fed. Navy actively suppressed Arab arrivals in the bay, frequently seizing cargoes and
   destroying non-Portuguese vessels to enforce their monopoly.
   The Portuguese era in Galle (1588–1640) marked a radical shift in the social and economic
   fabric of the region. Before their arrival, Galle was a thriving cosmopolitan hub where Moorish
   traders and local Sinhalese lived in a relatively loose commercial harmony. Under Portuguese
   rule, the atmosphere around the harbor became one of strict military control and religious
   imposition.
   The most direct impact on the locals was the introduction of the Uliyam service or forced labour
   though not to the extent of the Dutch. To build the initial fortification (the Santa Cruz fortress)
   and maintain the harbour facilities, the Portuguese exploited the traditional Rajakariya system
   (service to the King) but made it significantly more gruelling. Locals were conscripted to
   quarry coral and stone to build Fort. Local laborers were forced into service as porters, wood
   cutters, and boatmen to service the Portuguese fleet, often with little to no compensation.
   Port workers were forced to dredge the harbour which was subjected to silting. The harbour
   area became the epicentre for the Roman Catholic missions, led primarily by the Franciscans
   and Jesuits. A new social class emerged through the intermarriage of Portuguese soldiers and
   local women. These families often received preferential treatment in harbour trade and
   administrative roles.
   Locals who converted to Christianity (the Lascarins or local soldiers) were granted privileges,
   while those who clung to Buddhism or Islam faced heavy taxation and were often marginalized
   from the lucrative maritime trade.
   The Displacement of the Moorish Traders
   Before the Portuguese, the harbour was dominated by Arab and Indian Muslim traders. The
   Portuguese viewed them as both commercial rivals and religious enemies.
   Many Moorish families who had lived around the harbour for generations were forcibly
   expelled or had their assets seized.
   The Portuguese Crown took direct control of the cinnamon and elephant trade, effectively
   turning the local population from independent merchants into cogs in a colonial machine.
   Life for the locals was highly militarised particularly the area surrounding the harbour
   specifically the “Black Town” (outside the fort walls) where most of the local population
   resided. During times of conflict (such as the frequent clashes with the Kingdom of Sitawaka
   or Kandy), the local population suffered the most, often seeing their homes burned or being
   forced to retreat into the jungle to avoid being caught in the crossfire.
   The Portuguese era essentially transformed Galle from an open Indian Ocean port into a
   fortified garrison. The locals were no longer partners in trade, but subjects of a maritime empire.
   Religious conversion was a pillar of Portuguese colonial policy. They viewed their presence in
   Galle as both a commercial and a spiritual mission.
   Portuguese rule lasted roughly 135 years. The Kandyan King Rajasinghe II invited the Dutch
   to help expel the Portuguese, Then Portuguese naval supremacy was challenged by the Dutch
   East India Company (VOC). After a brutal battle in the bay too, the Portuguese surrendered
   Galle to the Dutch in 1640.
   Dutch Era in Galle 1640 to 1796 and the King’s Connection and Fall out.
   Tiny black seeds cloaked in emerald skin before they ripen, hanging from vines like miniature,
   duo-coloured lanterns, this is the humble origin of Black Pepper.
   While South Indians have used this “Black Gold” to fire their cuisine since the Stone Age, its
   journey eventually led it to the finest tables of the West. Today, whether it is a perfectly seared
   steak or a rich, peppercorn infused sauce, the crushed seed remains a staple of global
   gastronomy. However, six centuries ago, pepper was far more than a seasoning; it was one of
   the most valuable commodities on Earth.
   The quest for pepper shaped the map of the modern world. Nations waged bloody battles, and
   countless ships and seamen were claimed by the depths of the ocean, all to secure supremacy
   over the spice trade.
   This relentless pursuit was the primary impetus for the birth of the VOC (Vereenigde
   Oostindische Compagnie), known today as the Dutch East India Company. Founded on March
   20, 1602, in Holland, it was a visionary joint venture that amalgamated six competing
   companies with a staggering initial capital of 6,440,200 Guilders at the time. In doing so, it
   became the world’s first limited liability company and the first true multinational corporation.
   While pepper was the spark that ignited the Dutch expansion into the East, it was soon followed
   by the fragrant allure of Cinnamon, cementing Galle’s position as a vital crown jewel in the
   global spice route. As you walk through these historic ramparts in Galle Fort, you are walking
   in the footsteps of a trade that once dictated the wealth of kings and the fate of empires.
   Thirty one year old Jan Pieterszoon Coen was appointed as the Governor-General (GC) of
   VOC in 1618. He proved his appointment right by being the most ruthless and the shrewdest
   GC of VOC. Coen criticised the overly complexed VOC system and noted the poor generation
   of profits thus he presented two potential solutions by suggesting VOC impose a monopoly
   starting with three main spices mace, cloves and nutmeg (Mace and Nutmeg mostly grown in
   Indonesia. Both Nutmeg and Mace come from the same tree, Nutmeg is the seed whilst Mace
   is the bright yellow covering of Nutmeg seed. Mace was more expensive than Nutmeg in 18th
   century. (Fun fact: Dutch colonial traders once ordered their governors to cut down Nutmeg
   trees and grow more Mace trees without knowing both Mace and the Nutmeg come from the
   same tree).
   He suggested this monopoly to be achieved at any cost by exploiting and slavery of local
   workers and other means of violence to get results. That’s exactly what they did in Galle down
   the years. However, Coen died in 1629 prior to capture of Galle port on 13th March 1640. The
   VOC Governor-General in Batavia (Jakarta-) at the time was Anthony van Diemen (who served
   from 1636 to 1645. Coen was the architect of the VOC’s “Total war” policy and monopolistic
   strategy. It was Coen who originally argued that the Dutch could never dominate the spice trade
   without physically seizing ports and building a chain of fortresses.
   While Van Diemen was the high-level administrator overseeing the expansion into Ceylon (Sri
   Lanka), acting as allies to King Rajasinghe II of Kandy, who too wanted to expel the Portuguese
   from the coast, the actual military operation in the bay was led by Commodore Willem
   Jacobszoon Coster that landed in the Bay of Galle in Unawatuna. (Dutch ships after arriving
   the bay, kept away from Cannon fire range, most likely landed in the beach just East of present
   day Closenberg then marched along the coast towards Galle)
   It is easy to associate Coen with the capture because he was the architect of the VOC’s “total
   war” strategy. It was Coen who originally argued that the Dutch could never dominate the spice
   trade without physically seizing ports and building a chain of fortresses.
   Anthony van Diemen essentially executed the plan Coen had dreamed of. Under Van Diemen’s
   leadership, the Dutch naval strategy changed specifically targeting Portuguese strongholds like
   Malacca and the ports of Ceylon to secure the cinnamon monopoly.
   The shift from alliance to animosity between the Dutch East India Company (VOC)
   and the Kingdom of Kandy is a classic case of “the enemy of my enemy is my friend
   until the enemy is gone.”
   When the Kandyan King Rajasinghe II invited the Dutch to help expel the Portuguese, he
   famously remarked that he was “exchanging pepper for ginger”.
   In spite of Dutch intention to capture and dominate spice trade from the word get-go, this is
   where Coen’s shrewdness policy came into play during Van Diemen’s governorship and why
   that alliance between the Dutch and the King eventually failed and collapsed.
   The Cost of War (The “Bill” for Galle and Colombo) – The Dutch didn’t fight for free. They
   claimed that the Kandyan King owed them massive sums for the military expenses incurred
   while capturing Portuguese forts like Galle (1640) and Colombo (1656). The VOC used this
   “Debt” as a pretext to occupy the liberated coastal territories. King Rajasinghe II argued that
   since the Dutch were fighting his enemies, the ports should be handed over to him immediately.
   The Dutch refused, holding the ports as a surety or deposit for the so-called debt.
   Control of the Cinnamon Trade – Cinnamon was the “Gold” of Sri Lanka. The Dutch were a
   commercial corporation (the VOC) with a Naval arm, and their primary goal was a monopoly.
   To ensure they controlled every ounce of cinnamon, the Dutch needed to control the
   “Cinnamon farms” and the low-country forests. Unfortunately even though the King wanted to
   sell cinnamon to other nations (like the English or Danes) to get a better prices, the Dutch used
   their naval power to block all other trade, effectively strangling the King’s economy.
   Territorial Encroachment – The original agreement with the King was that the Dutch would
   only protect the coasts while the King ruled from the interior. However, the Dutch quickly
   realized the need of a “Buffer Zone” of land to secure the ports. Thus, they began seizing fertile
   lands and villages surrounding Galle, Matara, and Negombo. This action directly challenged
   the King’s sovereignty and deprived him of tax revenue from those lands.
   The Diplomatic “Insult” – The Dutch started treating the King more like a business partner (or
   a debtor) than a divine monarch. Dutch ambassadors often failed to follow the strict, follow
   court rituals required by the Kandyan Kings. The Dutch often made promises to return certain
   lands (like Trincomalee) but would find some excuses to keep them, leading Rajasinghe II to
   realize the Dutch were far more organised and permanent than the Portuguese had been. The
   King was helpless.
   Towards the latter part 17th century, the falling out was complete. The King resorted to guerrilla
   warfare and a “Scorched earth” policy, destroying crops and poisoning wells in the low country
   to starve out the Dutch. Meanwhile, the Dutch maintained a “Tight belt” policy, blockading the
   entire island to ensure the King could not communicate with the outside world. It was a conflict
   that lasted until the British arrived, the King ruled the mountains, and the Dutch ruled the sea
   and the cinnamon.
   Legacy of the Dutch Era
   The Dutch administration significantly transformed the infrastructure of Galle to suit their
   commercial and military needs, creating a legacy that is still visible today. While the
   Portuguese had established a basic presence, the Dutch under Governor-General Anthony van
   Diemen and his successors turned it into a formidable, fortified city. The most immediate
   change was the complete reconstruction of the fortifications. The Dutch realized that the
   Portuguese “Santa Cruz” fort was insufficient for their ambitions.
   Galle Dutch Fort was expanded into a 52-hectare stronghold, featuring the massive granite
   bastions that still stand today, constructed 14 bastions, including the Sun, Moon, and Star
   bastions, specifically designed to provide overlapping fields of fire to protect the harbour
   entrance. They developed the older Portuguese structure into a much larger, more sophisticated
   defensive Fort. The Dutch also moved the heart of the city’s administration and life inside the
   walls, emphasizing permanent stone structures over the previous Portuguese timber or mudbrick
   styles.
   The Dutch VOC transformed Galle from a small Portuguese outpost into the most important
   naval and commercial hub in their Ceylon administration until the mid-18th century. Their
   changes were driven by the need to secure a monopoly on the cinnamon trade and to protect
   their fleet from both the monsoon weather and European rivals.
   The Dutch completely changed the defensive layout of the bay making the harbour safe for the
   VOC Indiamen. Unlike the Portuguese, who focused on land-based defence, the Dutch made
   changes to Galle Dutch Fort to dominate the sea approaches. Dutch constructed 14 massive
   bastions with specific maritime roles for each bastion, for example, the Triton Bastion was
   equipped with heavy artillery specifically to provide cover for ships entering the treacherous
   inner harbour.
   The Black Fort was expanded, the older structure into a multi-level gun platform that served
   as the primary watchpoint for the Fort entrance (old entrance) which was the only access point
   for goods being moved from the pier to the warehouses. (It is interesting to note that the Main
   entrance to Fort in front of cricket stadium was done in 1873 by the British as a need of the
   day due to more heavy traffic required a bigger entrance and easy in and out).
   To support long distance trade, the Dutch built specialized facilities within the fort that
   functioned as a self-sustaining maritime logistics centre. VOC Warehouses (Pakhuis), present
   day Maritime Archaeology Museum is housed in one of the longest surviving colonial
   warehouses in Asia, featuring massive 1.2-meter thick walls designed to keep precious
   cinnamon, pepper, and cardamom at a stable temperature and humidity.
   The Commandeur’s (the highest-ranking official in the Southern Command of the VOC in Sri
   Lanka) Residence, “Akersloot 1759” was built on the eastern side of the Fort, overlooking the
   harbour, the administrative heart of the port moved into the Fort, ensuring that the Commander
   could oversee all ships arrivals and departures from a central point which is located adjoining
   Galle High Courts in Fort (Akersloot used to be Galle Harbour Pilot / Harbour Master’s
   residence until a minister from Galle district took over for his personal use 1990 circa). The
   date 1759 is significant because it marks a major reconstruction and reinforcement of this
   specific area of the Fort.
   Akersloot was named after the birthplace of Wilhelm Jacobsz Coster, the Dutch commander
   who led the forces that captured Galle from the Portuguese in 1640. While the bastion existed
   earlier, the year 1759 saw the completion of significant upgrades to the fortifications and the
   residential quarters. Right near Akersloot, stands what is believed to be the “Oldest Breadfruit
   Tree in Sri Lanka”, planted by the Dutch. When the British took over in 1796, they initially
   used the same building for Harbour Master before eventually shifting administrative centre.
   Breadfruit was introduced to Sri Lanka believing it would be a cheap source of food for slaves
   and soldiers. Locals initially feared the fruit was poisonous hence prior to start consuming, fruit
   was tested on animals and prisoners.
   Recognizing the risks of the Galle underwater Rocks, the Dutch implemented some of the first
   systematic pilotage and marking systems in the region, establishing a simple system of beacons
   and flag signals on the bastions to guide VOC ships through the narrow “Eastern Channel,”
   which was the only safe passage for deep-draft vessels. Galle became a secondary repair station
   to Batavia, with specialized workshops for sail making and carpentry located near the water’s
   edge to service the Dutch fleet during the “Waiting period” between monsoons.
   The Dutch period in Galle (1640–1796) stands as a transformative era that redefined the city’s
   architectural and cultural values. While the Portuguese first established a foothold, it was the
   Dutch who engineered the massive coral and granite ramparts that define the Galle Fort today,
   turning it into a formidable command centre for the Dutch East India Company (VOC).
   The Dutch implemented a sophisticated an innovative underground sewerage system in Fort
   that flushed by the tides, a feat of 17th-century engineering. Galle served as the primary port
   for the lucrative cinnamon and gemstone trade, linking Sri Lanka to a global maritime network.
   The era left behind a unique “Dutch Burgher” identity, visible in the city is Roman-Dutch law,
   culinary influences too.
   Unlike many colonial outposts that fell into ruin, Galle remained remarkably intact. Today, it
   survives as the best-preserved colonial sea fortress in South Asia, serving as a living monument
   to the VOC’s strategic ambitions of Sri Lankan history. The transition of Galle from Dutch to
   British rule in 1796 was a relatively quiet affair compared to the violent sieges of earlier
   centuries. The Dutch era concluded in 1796 when they peacefully surrendered the Fort to
   British. It was a shift driven more by European geopolitics, specifically the Napoleonic Wars
   than by a localized conflict in Sri Lanka. British troops marched peacefully into Galle Fort
   without a shot being fired.
   Following “Kandyan – Dutch war (1761 to 1766)” which King Kirti Sri Rajasinghe launched
   an attack to regain the Dutch held territory. The Dutch brought reinforcements from India and
   regained the territory. The Dutch lead by Governor Baron Van Eck launched a counter
   offensive in 1765 capturing Kandy and successfully occupying Kandy for a brief period. The
   King fled to the forest. However, the supply lines were cut off to Kandy combined with constant
   ambushes, scorched earth tactics and disease made Dutch to abandon Kandy, Governor too
   passed away shortly after returning to Colombo. These events altered the power balance in the
   island, VOC shifting from being tenant to masters of the island ports and immediate interior,
   effectively encircling Kandyan kingdom. The Dutch brought reinforcements from India
   Then the “Treaty in Batticaloa – 1766” made Port of Galle a Dutch Territory. However,
   following the war, the Dutch allowed the King to bring his Queen from South India even
   providing a ship for this purpose being diplomatic to safeguard the Dutch Cinnamon monopoly
   as VOC was on its slide down, VOC required Cinnamon trade badly.
   End of an era for VOC
   VOC was the largest and the richest private company ever to have existed in 1669, having
   50000 employees with 10000 mercenaries around the globe, had 150 merchant vessels and 40
   war ships requiring huge cash flow for maintaining the global network.
   The “Golden Age” peaked around the 1670s. By the 1690s, the company’s expenditure began
   to consistently exceed its revenue While they were still generating massive sales, the cost of
   maintaining their monopoly, specifically the military cost of “brutality to natives” and
   defending territories all costly, became a permanent drain on the bottom line.
   Causes of Bankruptcy
   In the meantime, VOC paid its employees very low wages perhaps to maintain VOC balance
   sheet, then expecting the employees to supplement their income through “private trade”, the
   policy backfired unsurprisingly. Employees focus shifting from company oriented to selforiented,
   then utilising VOC ships, warehouses to move their own goods, directly competing
   with the company which made high-ranking officials in Batavia (Jakarta) and Ceylon (Sri
   Lanka) very wealthy. Then the rot started in early 18th century.
   The VOC built its empire on a “High-margin monopoly” of fine spices (cinnamon, nutmeg,
   mace, and cloves). However, by the early 18th century, European consumer tastes shifted
   toward tea, coffee and silk/textiles. The VOC didn’t focus on changing its vision for changing
   market reality then struggling to adapt to the competitive markets, where they faced strong
   rivalry from the British East India Company.
   New consumer taste items were not monopolies thus VOC losing its balance sheet with lower
   margins; however, the company overheads were yet massive. Perhaps the officials carried out
   business as usual due to “self-oriented” focus regardless then the downfall was inevitable.
   Additionally, in a move that would horrify most financial gurus of this day and age, the VOC
   continued to pay out massive dividends (often 12% to 20%) even when they were not making
   a profit. They funded these payments through short-term loans, effectively running a centurylong
   dividend scheme to keep the shareholders in the Netherlands happy while the actual cash
   reserves in Asia were non-existent. VOC yet has to pay wages of employees and mercenaries
   whilst having more expenditure as their territory grew, the cost of “policing” their colonies
   (including the heavy-handed control in places like the Banda Islands or Sri Lanka) became
   unsustainable.
   Final nail in the coffin was Fourth Anglo-Dutch War (1780–1784). The British Royal Navy
   successfully blockaded the Dutch coast and seized VOC ships and warehouses in Asia. This
   dismantled the company’s trade routes and left them unable to return goods to Europe, causing
   their cash flow to collapse entirely.
   The Final Years
   By the 1790s, the VOC was a company, kept alive only by government bailouts. When the
   Netherlands was invaded by Revolutionary France and the Batavian Republic was established
   (The Batavian Republic (1795–1806) marks a fascinating, albeit turbulent, chapter in
   European history. It represented the end of the old Dutch Republic and the beginning of a
   modern, centralized Dutch state, heavily influenced by the ideals of the French Revolution).
   The new government realised the VOC was beyond saving. They took over the company’s
   debts and assets on December 31, 1799, and the once-mighty VOC ceased to exist.
   “An empire founded by war has to maintain itself by war” – Charles de Montesquieu
   “Failures come only when we forget our ideals and objectives and principles” Jawaharlal Nehru
   In the meantime, British had been eyeing the island at least for two decades preceding 1796.
   Paul Edward Peiris in his book “Ceylon and the Hollanders” in 1919 says that it is not
   improbable that the King received secret encouragements through these means as the British
   had their eyes fixed on the island.
   The reason the Dutch didn’t mount a major defence of Galle and the other coastal forts in 1796
   is one of the most unusual “Surrenders” in maritime history. It wasn’t just a military failure, it
   was a result of a massive political collapse back in Europe during the Napoleonic Wars.
   The “Kew Letters” (The Order to Surrender) – In 1795, France invaded the Netherlands and
   established the “Batavian Republic” (a French puppet state). The Dutch leader, Stadtholder
   William V, fled to England. From his exile at Kew Palace in London, he wrote the famous Kew
   Letters.
   He ordered Dutch colonial governors (including the one in Ceylon, Johan Van Angelbeek) to
   hand over their forts and ships to the British for safekeeping, to prevent them from falling into
   French hands (Napoleon). This created a massive dilemma for the Dutch officers in Galle and
   Colombo, William V , Prince of Orange also known as Stadtholder (Dutch Head of the state)
   told them to let the British in as “Protectors” , though the New Government in the Netherlands
   (under French influence) told them to fight the British as “invaders.”
   The Dutch resistance in was “Half-hearted” at best due to the confusion. In Galle, the officers
   were demoralised and divided. Some wanted to remain loyal to the exiled Prince, while others
   wanted to defend the VOC’s interests.
   The Collapse of the VOC – By the 1790s, the Dutch East India Company (VOC) was effectively
   bankrupt, a state often joked about by the acronym “Vergaan Onder Corruptie” – Perished
   Under Corruption).
   The VOC could no longer afford to maintain the massive garrisons required to defend the
   inland they had seized in 1766.
   A significant portion of the Dutch “Army” in Sri Lanka consisted of European mercenaries
   (like the Swiss De Meuron Regiment). The British simply bought them over in a master stroke.
   When the De Meuron Regiment switched alliance to the British, the Dutch lost their most
   disciplined fighting force overnight.
   The Final Surrender (February 1796) – After the British captured Trincomalee and Colombo,
   Galle surrendered without a major siege. The British didn’t even have to blast through those
   thick granite walls. They simply marched in, the Dutch flag was lowered, and the British Flag
   hoisted, ending 140 years of Dutch rule.
   1796 transition is the “Silent” end of an era. The Dutch spent over a century perfecting the
   defence of the Fort against the Kandyans and other Europeans, but in the end, the Fort didn’t
   fall to a cannonball but fell to a letter and a bankrupt company. The brutal rule came to an end
   post 156 years of rule.
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   EDIT FROM HERE
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   British Era 1796 to 1948
   Galle was known as Gimhathiththa too prior to the Portuguese arrival in 1505, a name likely
   derived from the nearby Gin Ganga (river) Galle reached its absolute zenith in the mid-19th
   century. It was the “Crown Jewel” of Indian Ocean commerce, a bustling hive of shipping, and
   the undisputed “Grand Central Station of the East” for the British Empire.
   As a vital global crossroad, Galle’s natural bay welcomed legendary figures too.
   The bay has witnessed more than just trade, it was the site of a bloody, decisive battle between
   the Portuguese and the Dutch in 1640. Both powers recognized that whoever controlled Galle
   controlled the primary hub of the Silk Route’s spice trade between Europe and the Far East.
   Even as the 19th century progressed, Galle remained the centre of gravity for high-profile
   travellers. Lord Elgin arrived in 1860 during his mission to China, though his stay was marked
   by disaster when his two-year-old ship, the SS Malabar, wrecked in the harbor. Even the Royals
   landed in Galle when arrived in Ceylon, Prince Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh arrived in Galle in
   1870 and Prince Albert Edward, Prince of Wales future King Edward VII visited arrived in
   Galle in December 1875. On May 17, 1880, Colonel Henry Steel Olcott and Madame Helena
   Blavatsky landed at the port, an event that ignited the Buddhist revival in Ceylon. Even as late
   as 1896, Rev James Horne Darrell, Principal of Richmond College arrived in Galle port, also
   it drew icons like Mark Twain during his celebrated world lecture tour in 1896. Even great
   Principal of Mahinda College Frank Lee Woodward arrived in Galle port in 1903. Though
   shipping traffic eventually migrated to the deep-water docks of Colombo, Galle’s prestige
   lingered. From the era of wooden-hulled sailing vessels to the height of the steamship age,
   Galle stands as Ceylon’s first true transhipment port, a legacy etched into the very stones of its
   fort.
   History has a way of shifting its weight. This is the story of a port that was once the beating
   heart of Indian Ocean trade, a place of intense naval battles took place. It is a story of a “Grand
   Hibernation” that began soon after pilots started guiding the great steamships to Port of
   Colombo, effectively preserving Galle’s ancient beauty while the rest of the world moved on.
   However, beneath its bustling surface activities lay a “captain’s nightmare”: a treacherous sea
   bottom of submerged coral reefs and jagged hard granite outcrops. As the Industrial age
   brought in bigger steel-hulled vessels combined with the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869
   increased maritime traffic passing Ceylon, Galle’s beautiful but deadly natural topography
   compounded by the fierce South-West monsoon could no longer guarantee safe passage into
   the harbour and to remain moored safely. Colonial government in mid nineteenth century had
   the primary responsibility of developing Galle harbour proposed a solution, large scale blasting
   of underwater rocks and dredging. British parliament in 1869 passed “Harbour of Galle Loan
   Act” which empowered the Public Works Loan Commissioners to advance up to 250000
   Pounds for the improvement of the harbour. While the government was prepared to take loans,
   it sought collaborative financial effort (mostly in the form of increased port dues and direct
   contributions) from the stakeholders who benefitted the most. “Coal Lords”, the powerful
   steamship companies and the local merchants who controlled the coal trade were unwilling.
   They argued the responsibility providing a safe harbour was a basic duty of the colonial
   government and resisted any significant increase in port dues or taxes to fund the massive
   capital required for engineering works to clear the rocks. That situation combined with Kandy
   to Colombo rail line having opened for traffic from 01st August 1867 and the economic
   demands of hill country planters seeking a more reliable harbour for their exports, ultimately
   forced the British colonial government to shift its focus northward, paving the way for the
   development of Colombo Roadstead as the island’s premier deep-water harbor.
   Lighthouses Old & New
   The history of its Lighthouses, the lost “Old” lighthouse and the “New” structure that stands
   today—reflects the evolution of the port you know so well.
   The Old Lighthouse (1848–1934)
   The original lighthouse, known as the Pointe de Galle Light, was established by the British in
   1848, was the first onshore lighthouse in Sri Lanka. It was a 24.4-meter (80 ft) tower built
   from cast iron plates imported from England. It was designed by British architect Alexander
   Gordon and erected by Robinson, Engineers of Pimlico, stood on the Utrecht Bastion, on the
   southwestern edge of the Galle Fort.
   The light used a fixed-point system with prolate reflectors (prolate reflector is a specific type
   of reflective system which projects the light into a powerful horizontal beam), visible for about
   12 nautical miles. The original mechanism featured a glass prism lens said to be floating in a
   mercury bath to minimize friction, powered by a weight driven machine.
   A devastating fire destroyed the iron structure in 1936, when the lighthouse keeper K N
   Fernando lost his life when jumped from burning lantern into the sea. Interestingly, historical
   notes from the Dutch period (mid-1650s) mention a lantern and cannon placed for guidance
   long before the British tower was built.
   The New Lighthouse (1938–Present)
   Following the destruction of the old tower, the current lighthouse was constructed to restore
   vital navigation for the harbour. Completed in 1938, this is a white-painted cylindrical
   concrete tower standing 26.5 meters (87 ft) tall, roughly 2 meters taller than the old lighthouse.
   New lighthouse was built approximately 100 meters away from the original site. This strategic
   elevation (about 6 meters above road level) provides a full view of the rocky approach to the
   harbour, visible for approximately 12 to 15 nautical miles
   New lighthouse served another purpose. Pigeon post from Galle to Colombo and Vice versa
   was started by “Observer Newspaper” in 1850. Pigeons carrying mail (brought from Europe,
   America and Australia)) were released from top of the lighthouse. Pigeons were super-fast
   reaching Colombo in just 45 minutes.
   Currently operated by the Sri Lanka Ports Authority. While the lighthouse keepers no longer
   need to handle toxic mercury as they did in the olden days, the lighthouse remains an active
   and critical aid to navigation.
   Flagstaff
   Flagstaff was the first point of contact for arriving ship in mid nineteenth century was manned
   24 hours a day by Flagstaff guard, located in Utrecht Bastion, the Southernmost point of the
   Galle port. The location offered 270 degrees angle of view of the ocean, the ideal place for
   spotting any arriving ships. It is the bastion right in front of Lighthouse street (was called
   Flagstaff street) where many tourists gather nowadays to watch the stunt man doing a dive to
   not so deep water.
   Ships wishing to enter the harbour during Dutch era had to fly Dutch flag to request permission
   to enter the harbour. Harbour Master would then fly a corresponding flag from the Flag Rock.
   Musket (shot gun) was fired from nearby Pigeon Island to warn of hidden reefs prior to the
   lighthouse was built. Then the Pilot would sail out in Dhoni, a sailing boat to the ship. It is
   interesting to note that Dhoni was in use until about 1920 when the pilot boat was replaced
   with a steam engine boat.
   Arrival of P&O mail ships were the most anticipated event at the time. Flagstaff would hoist a
   specific flag upon sighting the a mail steamer prompting many activities in the harbour such as
   coal barges, water barges, preparation of Galle Royal Mail Coach etc. There was a lighthouse
   operated by the Dutch though the British built first lighthouse in 1848 (was burnt down by fire
   down the years) then replaced by the existing lighthouse. Flagstaff and Lighthouse staff used
   to work in tandem upon building the lighthouse.
   Pilot Dhoni
   “Pilot Dhoni” (often historically referred to as a Thoni or Yathra Dhoni) was a specialized local
   sailing boat used to navigate the treacherous reefs of Galle Bay during pilot transfer from shore
   to the ship. Galle historically was notorious for its submerged rocks therefore entering the
   harbor without the assistance of a local pilot was often a fatal endeavour for ships.
   During the Dutch era (1640–1796) and British (1796–1948) periods, these vessels were the
   “eyes” of the harbor. Small Dhonis were used to ferry experienced local pilots out to foreign
   ships anchored outside the bay. In an era before permanent lighthouses and modern buoys
   came into being, multiple Dhonis would often be anchored at specific, dangerous spots to act
   as “human buoys,” physically marking the edges of the safe channel for incoming ships. Ships
   requesting a pilot would fire a gun three times and hoist a Dutch flag (later British) on the
   mizzen yard. The Pilot Dhoni would then be dispatched from the “Black Fort” area to guide
   the ships in.
   One of the most remarkable historical details of these Dhonis were often sewn hull planks
   together using coir (coconut fibre) rope rather than being nailed onto the frame. Coir fibre was
   utilised too between hull planks for watertight sealing purposes. This made the hulls flexible
   enough to withstand the impact of waves and the pressure of the surf. Also the hull would not
   crack in case the boat hit a reef but flex. They typically featured a single outrigger (oruwa in
   Sinhala) to provide stability in the rough monsoon waters of the southern coast. By the 18th
   century, these boats featured a mix of local and European influence, often using a ketch rig
   with square-headed lug sails. Eventually by about 1920, these Pilot Dhonis were replaced with
   steam engine pilot boats.
   There were lighters (baththal in Sinhala) existed at the time for cargo operation transporting
   cargo back and forth from ships to piers and vice versa.
   The engineering firm Walker and Sons was in demand at the time for its expertise engineering
   works.
   Mail Sorting and other activities
   Massive amount of mail was transferred at Port of Galle, was the Post Office of the East where
   mail from many countries in Europe, Australia, China and India (Calcutta) sorted. Royal Mail
   Coach established in 1832 was a daily service between Galle and Colombo. Horse drawn Royal
   Mail Coach was a major enterprise transporting mail as well as high paying passengers.
   Exporting of graphite too was done by Galle port at the time. Graphite was used globally for
   pencils.
   Steam Ships in that era had to be in Galle for about two to three days for manual loading of
   coal bunkers, therefore the hotels in Fort, like Oriental Hotel was always busy and packed not
   only with passengers also with sailors. Shops in Fort and in the town thrived as the passengers
   were eager to buy valuable gems and stones, curios and spices etc.
   In tourism, excursions to enjoy the beautiful outskirts of Galle too was booming with
   passengers hiring carriages to visit scenic beauty in Wakwella and Ginganga (river) and other
   areas surrounding Galle. It is interesting to note that there were lot of wealthy passengers on
   ships who were keen to visit Galle town and outskirts spending money thereby lot of locals
   were very much benefitted at the time.
   Coal Sheds and loading coal bunker
   Port of Galle in mid nineteenth century was the primary coaling station for the British Empire
   in the Indian Ocean. While the Fort was quiet and colonial, the harbor area, specifically near
   the coal sheds located at Gibbet Island (where the present harbour located) was a scene of
   intense, coal dusty and high-speed manual labour.
   Steamships in mid nineteenth century were very inefficient consuming lot of coal for engines.
   Galle imported roughly 50,000 tons of coal annually to meet the coal bunker demand primarily
   from Cardiff, Wales. Massive soot-covered sheds were built in the waterfront to keep the coal
   dry. The area was very different to the clean Dutch architecture of the Fort, sheds area
   characterized by thick black dust and the constant rattle of iron shovels.
   Because Galle was a natural harbor with many dangerous submerged rocks, large steamers
   often couldn’t dock directly at a pier. Instead, they anchored in the bay and the coal sheds
   became the staging ground for a massive coal shuttle service.
   Small flat bottom cargo boats called “Lighters or Baththal in Sinhala” were manually loaded at
   the sheds. Local laborers would fill heavy wicker baskets with coal. Wicker baskets often made
   out of local ratan or cane. Local labourers in incredible physical stamina would carry heavy
   wicker baskets (upto about 75 pounds) on their heads from sheds to the lighters walking on a
   narrow plank connecting shore and the lighter. Its kind of a manual conveyor belt. Load of
   wicker basket was also a unit of measurement for tallying purposes. Those labourers were
   doing their tasks to kind of a rhythmic chanting of the labourers to which they kept the pace
   with. This was gruesome labour. It’s just repeating the process in reverse loading bunker coal
   on to ships, walking up the gangway with heavy wicker baskets on heads or shoulders then
   dropping coal into the coal bunkers. Labourers had to continue their tasks without many breaks
   as there were lot of ships arriving from China Suez Australia and Bombay waiting for coal
   bunkers. Therefore, the atmosphere was very lively though gruesome work with chanting and
   the noise of coal crashing into iron hull. Sweat mixed with coal dust was like a paste sticking
   on to the body making similar to a thick black second skin. The frantic activities in Galle’s coal
   sheds had largely vanished by 1880s, leaving the port to return to the “sleepy” character it is
   known for today.
   There were many lucrative businesses, “Coal Lords and Water Lords” greatly benefitted at
   the time even exploiting helpless poor locals who worked as labourers, were compelled to work
   on twelve-hour shifts doing hard labour. Eventually most of those labourers were very sick
   also with physical deformities with chronic back injuries. There was no escape from high-risk
   work for poor labourers as they were mostly issued coupons in lieu of wages to buy groceries
   from the shops run by the same local coal lords. Labourers were always in credit, were
   compelled to do gruesome labour. Colonial government called for tenders (gazetted) to show
   fairness however mostly offered to those who were very loyal to the colonial government and
   going out of the way for colonial government, towed the line and those who could guarantee
   no labourers would go on strike which might explain to a certain extent the reason why colonial
   government maintained a blind eye for labour exploitation. Those local coal lords later
   ventured into other businesses such as tea and rubber estates.
   Water Supply and Watering Point
   In the late 19th century, the “Watering Point” was a vital maritime landmark located on the
   eastern side of the Galle Harbour across the bay from Fort, specifically on the Western slopes
   of the Rumassala Hill. It was called “Watering Point” because it was the primary source of
   fresh water for sailing vessels and early steamers anchored in the bay. Ships would send small
   boats to collect fresh water from natural springs that flowed down the hill. The location was
   marked by a distinct natural red patch on the cliffside, which also served as a navigational aid
   for mariners. Watering Point was the essential water supply station for ships arriving in Galle
   harbour including Portuguese, Dutch and British vessels before the shift of major maritime
   traffic to Colombo. A survey tower for department of Public Works, Edward’s Pillar was built
   in 1861 near the Watering Point later there was another pillar built, Burton’s Pillar in 1875 not
   closer to Watering Point though above the hill. Watering Point is located near the “Jungle
   Beach” and is accessible via the Rumassala hill which can be seen from Galle Fort.
   Supplying potable water (boilers and potable) to P&O line merchant vessels was a gruelling
   task, around the clock done by the “water gangs” The day began at dawn often continued
   through the night if a mail steamer was in port. The “water gang” usually consisted of local
   labourers overseen by a headman or a colonial port official. Water gangs didn’t just draw water
   from any well as the British were meticulous about “purity” to prevent cholera and dysentery
   among crews. There were several deep wells within Galle Fort (most built during the Dutch
   era, “Black Fort” supply) provided the primary supply. Most famous well was near the Black
   Fort (Zwart Bastion), where a dedicated pumping station was later established. There was a
   government protected well “Kachcheri Well” located near the administrative office of Fort,
   reserved for high priority naval vessels to ensure the highest standard of filtration.
   The Watering Point in Rumassala (yet in maritime charts) located across the bay on the eastern
   side was the preferred source for many captains because the water from the high hills of
   Rumassala was considered “sweeter” and less brackish (more salinity) than the wells within
   the town or Fort.
   Laborers gathered at freshwater springs or government-run reservoirs located inland or near
   the shore (such as the area near the Galle Fort as Galle Fort had big wells for this purpose.
   Some of these wells are yet existing). Water was manually pumped (rotary pumps) or bucketed
   (using windlasses) into large wooden casks or specialized iron tanks. The water was often
   visually inspected for clarity and clear, though bacterial filtration was virtually non-existent.
   Water was passed through layers of charcoal and sand in large wooden troughs before entering
   the casks. Large flat bottomed wooden boats or lighters (Baththal in Sinhala) were loaded with
   casks. Some barges by the mid nineteenth century were fitted with large, zinc-lined iron tanks
   built directly into the hull to increase volume and maintain to maintain water quality.
   These barges were typically rowed by crews of 10–20 men using long oars against the heavy
   swell of Southwest Monsoon or towed by a small steam tug (after 1860) if the sea is calm.
   Pumping water from a bobbing barge to a high-sided steamship was the most technically
   demanding part of the job. The swells in Galle harbor were notoriously violent during
   Southwest Monsoon therefore the water gangs often risked capsizing their heavy barges before
   reaching ships. A large steamship might require 50 to 100 tons of water. Given that a standard
   cask held about 150 gallons (approximately 0.63 tons) required many trips back and forth from
   the shore.
   As the work involved was heavy and intense records from the era describe the “sing-song”
   chants of the watermen used to synchronize their rowing and pumping rhythms against the heat
   of the bay. Supplying water to ships brought a significant revenue for the Master Attendant’s
   Department in Galle. Ships were charged per “ton” of water delivered basis, making the water
   gangs an important earner for the port.
   The Port of Galle by 1860 was at its absolute peak as a coaling and watering port for the British
   Empire “Overland Route”. Supplying water was not just a service but a strictly regulated government monopoly. Galle harbour was connected to town pipe borne water upon opening of Hiyare Reservoir in 1912. Overland Route
   The Overland Route developed primarily by Thomas Waghorn to slash the travel time between
   Britain and India / Ceylon was a vital nineteenth century transport and communications link
   between Britain and India and Ceylon. Before the Suez Canal opened in 1869 it served as a
   faster alternative taking only 35 to 40 days oppose to very long four-month voyage around the
   Cape of Good Hope. It was a significant reduction in travel time particularly prior to telegraph
   age, essentially reducing communication time between British Colonial Secretary and colonial
   administrators as that was the only mode of communication at the time, news and mail by ships.
   Travellers had to disembark at Alexandria and travel across Egypt to reach the Red Seaport
   Suez. Essentially, it was a “combined” journey, steamships for the ocean legs and boat transport
   along river Nile from Alexandria to Cairo then land transport to cross the narrow strip of land
   from Cairo to Suez. The journey was broken into four distinct stages
   First Leg London to Marseille/Malta -Travelers took a steamer through the Bay of Biscay or
   travelled by rail across France to reach the Mediterranean.
   Second leg Mediterranean Leg – A steamship carried passengers and mail from the
   Mediterranean ports to Alexandria, Egypt.
   Third leg “The Egyptian Transit”- Overland portion – Passengers travelled by boat up the
   Mahmoudieh Canal and river Nile to Cairo then crossed the desert to reach Suez.
   Egypt First leg – Alexandria to Cairo – canal and river – Initially this journey was made along
   the narrow Mahmoudieh Canal (48 miles or 77 km) then in the Nile River, 120 miles following
   the winding Nile river passage. (Total distance about 170 miles).
   This leg in early days (before 1830) took 2 to 3 days. Mahmoudieh Canal was narrow, flat
   bottom barges (with cabins on deck for passengers and a separate space for the luggage) were
   drawn by four horses along the canal bank. Post introduction of steam tugs in 1830, this leg
   duration was cut down to 24 to 30 hours.
   There were many challenges such as steamers running aground during “Low Nile” period often
   then passengers had to get onto small boats thereby extending the trip by days
   Egypt Second leg Cairo to Suez (The Desert Crossing)
   This was the most gruelling “overland” portion, crossing roughly 84 miles in the desert.
   Horse Carriage and Camel – Transit Administration used specialized “desert vans”—twowheeled,
   horse-drawn carriages designed to handle the sand, took about 15 to 24 hours with
   stops at “Station Houses” for breaks. While passengers and mail took the carriages, heavy
   luggage and coal for the Red Sea steamers were carried by vast camel caravans, which took
   about 3 days to travel the same distance.
   The Desert Train – The completion of the Alexandria–Cairo–Suez railway in 1858
   revolutionized the route by slashing the duration to 10 to 13 hours covering a distance of 344
   km (214 miles). The train travelled from Alexandria to Cairo then to Suez.
   Fourth Leg – Red Sea to India / Ceylon: By steamship travelled through the Red Sea and across
   the Indian Ocean to Bombay (Mumbai) and Galle
   The Thomas Waghorn Factor
   The route is famously associated with Thomas Waghorn, a postal pioneer who
   obsessed over proving that the Red Sea route was faster than the Cape route. He
   spent years scouting the Egyptian desert and lobbying the East India Company to
   adopt the path. While he died nearly penniless, his efforts laid the groundwork for the
   eventual construction of the Suez Canal, which effectively made the “Overland” trek
   obsolete by allowing ships to sail straight through.
   Some Important Events and dignitaries in Port of Galle
   Prior to the 1880s, the Port of Galle was the premier maritime gateway to Sri Lanka (then
   Ceylon). Its strategic importance on the “Spice Route” and its status as the island’s primary
   commercial harbor made it a mandatory stop for coal bunkers, water and mail for international
   steamships and the highest-ranking officials of the era.
   Before the capital functions moved entirely to Colombo, British Governors like Sir Hercules
   Robinson frequently stayed at the “Queen’s House” in Galle to receive arriving international
   fleets.
   Prince Alfred, Duke of Edinburgh (Queen Victoria’s second son) was the first member of the
   British Royal Family to visit Ceylon. He arrived at Galle on April 30, 1870, aboard the HMS
   Galatea. The entire city was decorated with “pandals” (ornamental arches). He was received
   with a 21-gun salute and a massive state reception before traveling inland to Labugama for
   elephant kraals and hunt.
   Prince Albert Edward, Prince of Wales future King Edward VII visited arrived in Galle in
   December 1875 during his extensive tour of India. His visit was a high-water mark for colonial
   Galle, featuring banquets at the Governor’s residence (then known as the Queen’s House, now
   within the Fort).
   Colonel Henry Steel Olcott’s arrival in Galle was a watershed moment for the island’s
   Buddhists. At a time when Buddhist culture was under heavy pressure from colonial influence,
   Olcott provided the organisational “spark” needed to protect and revive the religion. Olcott’s
   interest in Buddhism was ignited by the Panadura Debate of 1873, where the honourable monk
   Gunananda Thera successfully defended Buddhist philosophy against Christian missionaries.
   Reports of this “Panadura Debate” reached Olcott in America, convincing him that Buddhism
   was a rational, scientific religion that deserved a global platform. On May 17, 1880, Olcott
   and Madame Blavatsky landed in Galle. They were met with massive, jubilant crowds.
   A few days later, at the Wijayananda Viharaya in Galle, they performed a revolutionary act,
   they publicly “Took Pansil” (the Five Precepts), formally becoming the first high-profile
   Westerners to become Buddhists in Sri Lanka. This sent shockwaves through the community,
   proving that a modern, educated Westerner could embrace Buddhism. Olcott understood that
   the “battle” for the heart of the country would be won in the classroom. Through the Buddhist
   Theosophical Society (BTS), he began a fundraising campaign (the Buddhist Education Fund)
   to build schools that combined Western-style curriculum with Buddhist values.
   Olcott didn’t work alone; he was a master of networking and grassroots organizing. Key
   contacts included Hikkaduwe Sri Sumangala Thera, a scholarly honourable monk who
   provided the theological backing for Olcott’s reforms. Then a young man named Don David
   Hewavitarne (later Anagarika Darmapala), who served as Olcott’s interpreter and eventually
   became the leading figure in the Buddhist revival.
   By the time Olcott passed away, the number of Buddhist schools had grown from virtually zero
   to over 200 including Mahinda college Galle, Ananda College Colombo, Dharmaraja College
   Kandy and Museaus College Colombo , creating a new generation of educated leaders who
   would eventually lead the country toward independence.
   Anagarika Dharmapala was arguably Colonel Olcott’s most important supporter. While Olcott
   provided the Western organizational structure and legal framework, Dharmapala provided the
   passionate, “Local Soul” of the movement.
   Of the interest – Key Changes Under British Rule
   The British initially treated Galle as a strategic military outpost but soon integrated it into the
   wider British Ceylon administration. While the Dutch focused on the interior “Grid City,” the
   British focused on the perimeter. They added the Bayley’s Bastion, the Lighthouse, and the
   iconic Clock Tower (built in 1883 in honour of Dr. Anthonisz). The British modified the Fort’s
   entrance. While the Dutch used the Old Gate (near the harbour), the British pierced the main
   northern rampart to create the Main Gate in 1873 to accommodate increasing horse-drawn
   carriage and cart traffic. Colombo at 1630 hrs
   Galle Royal Mail coach started in 1838, leaving Galle at 0600 hrs, arriving, ferrying the coach
   on three rivers Gin, Bentota and Kalu Ganga.
   Railway arrived Galle for the first time in 1894. Engine was decorated and band played during
   arrival also people dancing on the platform marking the important event.
   Chas P Hayley, the founder of the firm arrived on the sailing vessel “Percy Douglas” in
   1871then joining Thomson &Co. He founded his company in 1878 (Peddler Street, Fort)
   carrying his own name. He left Ceylon in 1911 and passed away in England in 1934.
   “Queen’s House” occupied by the British governor was the headquarters of VOC.
   Oriental Hotel (present New Oriental Hotel) was sold in 1902 for a song, Rs 40000/-. That was
   after shipping traffic moved to Colombo.
   Perils of Galle Harbour
   Entering Galle harbor required lot of nerves. The entrance was so narrow and exposed to the
   full force of the Southwest Monsoon. Heavy swell from the ocean would roll directly into the
   bay, creating a violent bay swell (heavy rolling monsoon swell meeting shallow water) that
   could cause even large steamers at the time to roll heavily or lose steerage at the most critical
   moment of entry also virtual loss of underwater clearance due to heavy swell. Captain couldn’t
   simply sail straight in. The approach required a series of precise turns to avoid submerged
   underwater granite or coral mountain peaks that sat just deep enough to be invisible but shallow
   enough to rip the bottom of a ship.
   The harbor seabed was not soft, it naturally had two primary hazards that made berthing a
   nightmare, granite pinnacles and coral formations. The seabed was spiked with hard granite
   outcrops were sharp needles like vertical granite rocks with a few known such rocks didn’t
   have much underwater clearance too thus having no margin of error for deep draft vessels
   causing the ships to rip their bottom should a ship touched a granite outcrop. Irregular coral
   formation in terms of height in the bay was not helpful either for ships though these were not
   as hard as granite however just as lethal particularly for a ship anchored seemed like deep water
   surrounding, during low tide or heavy swell could “bottom out” on a coral head causing
   structural damage.
   The draft (under water height of ship) of ships had increased due to the ship types changing
   from wooden hull to steel hull in the nineteenth century, thereby the risk associated in the
   approach too increased significantly.
   Galle harbour even during wooden sailing ships era saw many wrecks, Avondster, the English
   ship captured by the Dutch then run by Dutch East India Company (VOC) wrecked in Galle
   on 02nd July 1659 during loading a cargo of Areca nuts in Galle Bay after the ship lost its
   anchor. The ship went down with everything including six cannons. Within two years of
   Avondster gone, yet another ship Hercules (VOC) wrecked on 22nd May 1661. When the ship
   was preparing to sail for Batavia (Jakarta), a cross wind blew whilst weighing the anchor
   snapping the anchor rope. The crew helplessly watched as the ship drifting onto rocks near
   Gibbet Island then breaking apart within minutes (Gibbet Island is where the present-day
   harbour is located).
   Second half of Nineteenth Century wrecks, leading up to the big decision
   While the Galle Harbour is famous for its wreck density in surrounding area with well over
   one hundred shipwrecks, below are a few wrecks leading upto the decision to develop Colombo
   roadstead into a breakwater protected harbour.
   Agnes (1860s)
   During 1860s Galle was the primary coaling station and a critical hub for P&O and other
   shipping lines. Agnes a small ship (schooner) was at anchor in Galle bay during SW Monsoon,
   dragged its anchor ending up on rocks within the harbour.
   SS Malabar 1860
   Wrecking of SS Malabar was a very significant maritime incident in Galle Harbour. 917 tons
   P&O mail ship was in harbour moored on 22nd May 1860, violent winds perhaps break of the
   monsoon caused the stern mooring to part, stern moorings swinging around striking a reef. The
   ship filled with sea water despite the attempt by Captain Grainger to beach her on nearby sandy
   bay. The wreck drew a lot of international attention as the ship carried diplomatic figures and
   a great deal of fortune. Diplomats Lord Elgin (James Bruce) and Baron Gros, the British and
   French diplomats with full powers for independent action on behalf of their government were
   on board SS Malabar at the time said to have 1080 boxes of Bullion valued at 300000 pounds
   at the time including 725 chests of opium and various important mail bags. The ship was a total
   wreck though most of the bullion were later recovered by the divers. Most importantly no loss
   of human life.
   Effort (1863)
   1863 was relatively a busy year for Galle harbour as a coaling station, Ship Effort was in Galle
   harbour though not certain of the circumstances, the small merchant ship ended up on granite
   outcrops then foundering.
   SS Rangoon (1871)
   SS Rangoon wrecked on 01st November 1871 not during Southwest Monsoon. The ship was
   due to leave for Australia waiting several days for SS Travancore arriving from China to carry
   onward mail. Captain Skottowe was to hang his uniform upon arriving in Australia, was on his
   final voyage before retirement. Finally received the clearance to sail at 1800 hrs on the fateful
   day, got underway as the Master was kind of impatient to finish his final voyage. Unfortunately,
   the ship drifted off the course due to a strong North Westerly current then within thirty minutes
   of sailing, ended up on a rock.
   Ultimately, the transition of shipping traffic from Galle to Colombo in the 1870s was not just
   a logistical move, but a calculated risk managing for response by the colonial government due
   to the physical limitations of the Galle Harbour. While Galle had long served as the island’s
   primary maritime hub, the treacherous rocky bottom and the increasing frequency of
   shipwrecks made it fundamentally impracticable with the era’s advancing steamship
   technology and deeper draft vessels arriving upon opening Suez Canal requiring a safer port.
   By centralizing operations in Colombo—complemented by the construction of the massive
   Southwest Breakwater—the colonial administration secured a safer, more safer harbor.
   Another reason why the colonial government decided to develop Colombo was the strong
   lobbying by the up-country planter community to have a safe and a closer port for their crop
   exports (mainly coffee and tea). In the meantime, Colombo to Kandy rail line had completed
   in 1867 and that was prior to Colombo to Galle Rail line done in 1894, made it much easier for
   coffee and tea planters to get their products to Colombo. Thus, the colonial government’s
   decision effectively signalled the end of Galle’s maritime dominance establishing Colombo as
   the strategic gateway to the Indian Ocean and global trade, a position it holds to this day. Just
   a few interesting facts, Port of Galle witnessed 208 vessels in 1878 for coaling. Galle to
   Colombo mail coach service (two horse coach) had started in 1838. It is also interesting to note
   Governor Sir William Gregory sold the Queen House in Galle for 15000 Pounds in 1873 then
   purchasing Queen’s Cottage in Nuwara Eliya. All these events are directly or indirectly
   connected to Galle port.
   First ship to bypass Galle harbour was SS Rome, the mail liner (P&O Steam Navigation
   Company) in June 1882 resulting very busy Galle Harbour for a long time becoming almost
   empty within a very short period of time consequently affecting many commercial
   establishments too. Many established shipping businesses called it a day in Galle followed the
   shipping traffic to Colombo. John Black & Co (1847), the agents for Clan line, Delmege
   Forsyth & Co (1850), Chas P Haley (1878) are a few companies moved from Galle. Oriental
   Hotel run by the Englishman T N Barker was a vibrant hotel where sailors used to gather to
   have a drink yarn and a meal in addition to many dignitaries staying in the hotel with
   magnificent harbour bay views, sold his hotel in 1902 following the decline of the port and
   business, then the hotel renamed New Oriental Hotel (NOH).
   Conclusion
   The Sunset of a Port, the Dawn of a Legacy
   The decline of Galle as Ceylon’s premier commercial gateway was not a failure of spirit, but a
   consequence of the inexorable march of technology. As the graceful wooden hulls of Arabian
   dhows and Chinese treasure ships gave way to the deep-drafted steel steamers of the British
   era, particularly after the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869, the rocky limitations of Galle Bay
   transformed from a natural defence into a commercial undoing. With the completion of the
   modern breakwater in Colombo, the island’s economic pulse migrated north almost overnight.
   Yet, in this displacement, Galle found a different kind of immortality. Its “diminishment” acted
   as a preservative; while other ports modernized and erased their past to make room for concrete
   and cranes, Galle entered a “Grand Hibernation.” The ramparts that once shook under the fire
   of Dutch and Portuguese cannons were spared the wrecking ball of 20th-century development,
   allowing the Fort to remain the history and architecture. This unintended isolation is precisely
   what secured its status as a UNESCO World Heritage Site, a silver lining written in coral stone.
   Today, the echoes of those who stepped onto these shores, from the travels of Ibn Battuta to
   the educational legacies of Henry Steel Olcott and Frank Lee Woodward, remain embedded in
   the very fabric of the city. Galle is no longer the primary gateway for the world’s spices. It has
   transitioned from a volatile theatre of colonial supremacy to a sanctuary of memory, where the
   wind still carries the salt of the Indian Ocean and the whispers of the thousand journeys that
   defined the crossroads of the ancient world.